2026-06-24

An tseachtain seo caite, vótáil Rialtas an Taoisigh leis an dlí a athrú chun praghsanna peitril agus díosail a ardú ón 1 Lúnasa. Mar gheall ar chinntí an Rialtais, ardóidh praghas an díosail 32 cent agus praghas an pheitril 27 cent. Ní féidir leis an Rialtas leanúint ar aghaidh leis na harduithe seo ar pheitreal agus ar dhíosal. Caithfidh sé a aithint go bhfuil botún mór déanta aige agus réiteach airgeadais a chur os comhair na Dála láithreach chun stop a chur leis na harduithe seo agus na praghsanna seo ag dul in airde an méid sin ón 1 Lúnasa, rud a chuirfidh brú ar ghnáth-theaghlaigh fud fad na tíre. In the past year, soaring fuel prices have put huge pressure on ordinary households that are struggling to keep up. That pressure came to a head in April. After weeks of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael refusing to listen, ordinary people rose up in protest. They were forced to take action and they also forced the Taoiseach to take action to reduce the cost of petrol and diesel. They had to fight for what little relief they eventually got from the Government. Imagine their reaction last week when the Government voted to pass the Finance Bill, a law that will see the cost of petrol and diesel increase from 1 August. The Taoiseach voted against Sinn Féin's proposals and, as a result of his decision, diesel will go up 32 cent and petrol will go up 27 cent. What does that mean for ordinary folks out there? In just a matter of weeks, they will once again be hit with rip-off prices at the pumps, if the Taoiseach does not act now to stop it. Diesel will shoot up to over €2 and petrol will hit something similar. It is clear that the Government has not learned anything from the fuel protests or the pressure that ordinary people are under. Did the Taoiseach not see the Barnardos report that was released just yesterday? It told us very clearly that more than half of parents are worried that they do not have enough money to put fuel in the car. Real people, real families, real pressure. Sinn Féin was the only party here last week that stood up to challenge the Government and stand against its decision. We proposed amendment after amendment to stop the fuel hikes because we understand those hikes are going to heap further pressure on ordinary families. The Government kept on going down the track it has set and it is going to make things even harder for families. It is going to increase the price of diesel by 32 cent and petrol by 27 cent. While the Dáil is in recess and Ministers are off on their holidays, these price increases kick in. That is what the Taoiseach voted for last week in the Finance Bill. Unless he acts now, ordinary people are going to pay the price. We cannot have a repeat of what happened in April. It was only after those who keep Ireland moving rose up in protest that the Government was finally forced to act. The Taoiseach needs to recognise the pressure that is increasing on people. It is not easing; it is increasing. The Government cannot go ahead with these petrol and diesel increases on the scale outlined. There is still time to change course. The Taoiseach needs to listen, and he needs to make it clear that this pressure will not be placed on families at the pumps in just a number of weeks. He needs to realise that he made a big, big mistake in voting against Sinn Féin's proposals last week. Will the Taoiseach urgently bring forward a financial resolution to stop these huge increases in petrol and diesel taking effect in just a number of weeks?

Is léir gur tharla ardú an-ard ar fad ar phraghsanna peitril agus díosail de dheasca an chogaidh san Iaráin. Bhí brú faoi leith ar mhuintir na tíre agus ar an ngeilleagar agus tá fós. Rinne an Rialtas cinneadh faoi leith suas le €750 milliún a chur ar fáil chun an brú seo a laghdú do dhaoine. D'éirigh linn. Mar aon leis sin, rinneamar i bhfad níos mó, go háirithe ó thaobh cúrsaí talmhaíochta, iascaireachta agus iompair de. The Government reduced petrol excise and diesel by 32 cent and 27 cent. We did not increase it. Clearly, the Deputy is all about politics and not about policy. He played politics last week with this and he is playing politics this week with it. Sinn Féin cleverly put in a few amendments last week. They get voted down, and then the Deputy turns it around and says the Government is voting for increases. It is a game he is at.

So much for legislation.

The pressures on people have been very significant because of the increase in fuel prices arising out of the war in Iran between America and Iran. On the Hormuz strait, there has been a cessation of violence and war, but there has also been at least a resolution which has given some respite to the situation. We took significant measures to try to help people. I will come back to that in a moment. Brent crude, as a result of what has been happening in recent time, oil prices currently stand at around $75 per barrel. That is down from its peak closing price of $115 per barrel in early May, but still above prices of around $70 per barrel recorded before the war. We have seen stability domestically in recent weeks, with steady declines in the prices for kerosene, auto fuels and marked gas oil. We are closely monitoring the international domestic fuel prices. This will inform our decision-making process. The latest Eurostat data shows that Ireland experienced one of the largest reductions in diesel prices across the European Union in May, reflecting easing international energy pressures and improved conditions in global markets. The recent increases as a result of the war are beginning to unwind. Irish diesel prices fell by 8.1% in May; I do not have June figures yet. That is the fourth-largest reduction in the European Union. Petrol prices in Ireland also declined by 2%, with Ireland among the countries seeing reductions when many others continue to experience increases. Wholesale energy prices fell significantly month on month following the sharp spike recorded in April. In terms of the measures we took, we took 32 cent off diesel, 27 cent off petrol and 7.4% off MGO. We deferred the carbon tax increase to 14 October. Some €40 million per month was allocated to transport over three months and a €100 million fuel scheme for farmers, contractors and fishers was introduced. The diesel rebate increased to 12 cent per litre. We increased the fuel allowance to €38 per week and expanded eligibility, with about 470,000 households supported as a result of that. In the budget proper we did the core budgets. The Deputy seems to be making assumptions. The end of July is more than a month away. The Government will keep this under review. We have said this repeatedly. The Government will take a decision in respect of the diesel and petrol situation before the Dáil recess.

I am assuming nothing. Last week I put forward an amendment that would see those increases not taking effect. The Taoiseach accused me of games. This is nothing to do with games. How dare you? When I give voice to the concerns of people right across the State about the Government putting up the price of petrol and diesel by 32 cent, which it voted for last week, that is not a game for them. When people tell me they do not have enough money in their pockets to pay for the bare necessities in this Ireland of 2026, that is not a game for them. I am doing my job when I stand up and represent the people right across the State who are put to the pin of their collar because of decisions the Government has made. The Finance Bill has passed the Dáil. On 1 August, these prices will increase. I have asked the Taoiseach a clear question. The Government does not need more reports, reviews or anything bar getting its head out of the sand and recognising that putting up the price of diesel by 32 cent a number of weeks from now is reckless. It will put huge pressure on ordinary families. I asked the Taoiseach whether he will bring forward a financial resolution without delay or whether he will stick to his position, which is that these increases will go ahead.

First of all, we did not, as the Deputy said, vote last week to increase anything.

There was.

Deputy Doherty just wants to look after the oil companies by giving them whatever. He does not even want to monitor what is going to happen over the next number of weeks. It makes sense that one watches the market - of course it does - otherwise one is just filling the pockets of the oil companies which will benefit from the decline. We are talking about taxpayers' money. As I said, we have some distance to go before the end of July.

You think there was no vote last week.

I did not interrupt you.

No, he did not.

Okay.

The Deputy put the amendments down last week so he could then make the allegation that we are increasing prices and try to engineer protests. That is what is going on. I have seen the Facebook pages. I have seen it all. The Government makes a decision, there are going to be protests. That is the game.

Does the Taoiseach think we should pat him on the back-----

No, no.

-----when he pushes up the price of petrol?

The Deputy is entitled to raise the issue, but that is-----

Is that what he wants? Does he want a pat on the back for pushing up the prices? Not a chance.

-----the political agenda. I did not interrupt the Deputy. He has an awful habit of doing it. That is his political agenda. The Government has not made a decision in respect of the end of July. Is that clear?

Thank you. Time is up.

You voted for it last week.

The Government is going to keep it under review and act accordingly.

Taoiseach, the time is up. Thank you very much. I now call on Deputy Holly Cairns.

Someone dies from a drug overdose in Ireland almost every day. Drug deaths in this country are almost three times the EU average. The Taoiseach has a big decision to make. The Government can keep on doing what we all know is not working - criminalising people who struggle with addiction, failing to fund the services that could help them and cramming people into overcrowded prisons where drug use is endemic - or it can be radical and brave. It can opt to change its policy approach so that it is evidence-based and health-led. It can address the underlying causes of drug addiction. It can save lives. That is what the cross-party report from the Committee on Drugs Use has recommended today. The decision was unanimous. Its key recommendations are that the possession of drugs for personal use be decriminalised and that we introduce a comprehensive health-led approach to the use and misuse of drugs. The committee did not pull these recommendations out of thin air. It listened to a wide variety of experts, community groups, people with lived experience of drug use and recovery and families affected by addiction. The committee also heard comprehensive evidence about other parts of the world where this approach has worked, such as Portugal, which decriminalised drugs 25 years ago and has seen a significant reduction in drug-related deaths with no increase in drug use. The committee also heard about places where decriminalisation was introduced but not done properly, such as Oregon, where drugs were decriminalised but there was no increase in resources for treatment. What is clear is that decriminalisation must be accompanied by increased investment in health services. It will not work in isolation. That is key to the committee's recommendations. Treatment options for drug use are threadbare. This is especially true in prisons, which are dangerously overcrowded. It is estimated that 70% of people entering prison have an addiction or substance abuse problem. That is about 4,000 people. How many addiction nurses are employed in Irish prisons? Zero. This is not a health-led approach; it is killing people. It is, quite frankly, inhumane. The Oireachtas gave the members of the drugs committee a job. They have done that work and issued a unanimous report with cross-party support. The national drugs strategy will be finalised next month. If the recommendations of the committee are not included, it will have little credibility. Will the Taoiseach ignore the report or will he make a commitment today that its recommendations will be included?

I welcome the final report of the joint committee. I have not had an opportunity to read it in its entirety. Senator Mary Fitzpatrick, who is a member of the committee, made a presentation to the Fianna Fáil Parliamentary Party last evening on the report's core recommendations. Fundamentally, over the past 20 years we have moved to a health-led approach in terms of drug addiction. It has not been a criminal response, in the main. Rather, it has been health-led, going back to the methadone clinics for heroin in an earlier era. The focus, generally speaking, has been a health-led one. A significant number of cases present for treatment for problem drug use. In 2025, the figure was about 15,422, a 16% increase and a 73% increase in the annual number of cases entering treatment since the commencement of the current national drug strategy in 2017. Communities continue to experience harm because of drug use. In some areas, the level of harm in communities is acute. The increase in treatment numbers reflects increased investment. There has been a lot of investment. We can continue to increase the level of investment, but we also have to be rigorous. That is why the Oireachtas report is important. It is also important that investment sees a return. Cocaine was the most commonly treated main problem drug in 2025, accounting for 42% of all cases. There has been an increase in investment in treatment services as a result of that. In terms of diversion, the Government had agreed to divert those found in possession of drugs for personal use to the health services, in line with the health-led approach. The Minister responsible for that has agreed that will commence on an administrative basis for the time being. Obviously, the Government will assess the Oireachtas report in terms of the broader issues, including the decriminalisation proposal. About €170 million was provided last year to the Department of Health and HSE for drugs services, an increase of about €54 million over the past seven or eight years. It is all about treating addiction and having more drug treatment services. We will continue to expand that side of the equation. There has been an increase in recurring funding and so on. Addiction treatment is extremely important and the education side is extremely important, as is the health-led approach.

The Taoiseach said the Government is taking a health-led approach to this issue. Respectfully, the Government is not taking a health-led approach. A citizens' assembly was established and issued its findings. A cross-party Oireachtas committee did the same. Both of them found that we need to change to a health-led approach. That includes decriminalisation among a range of other health-led approach methods. From the Taoiseach's reply, I take it that he plans to continue with more of the same and he thinks we have a health-led approach. I really urge him to reconsider that. He highlighted that a lot of funding is going into different things. It costs a lot of money, too, to put people in prison. Crucially, the most important figure in all of this is the number of lives it is costing, which is equivalent to nearly one person every day in Ireland. It is hard to articulate the impact that has on those people's families and communities and on everything. The Taoiseach has an opportunity to do something that will save lives. I ask him again whether the recommendations in the report will be included in the drugs strategy next month.

The Government accepts and has accepted that possession of illicit drugs for personal use is fundamentally a public health issue and not just a matter for the criminal justice system. That has been the position for quite some time. The Government will shortly introduce a health referral scheme for those found to be in possession of illicit drugs for personal use. The report has just been published. As is necessary, both the Department of Health and the Department of justice will examine it. There are some 160 recommendations in it. The mental health dimension will be examined as well. We are going to give it very serious consideration. However, having been a Minister in the Department of Health and having experience of dealing with this issue, I can say the approach has been predominantly health-led but that does not guarantee that consumption goes down. It does not actually quite guarantee it. There are different experiences in different jurisdictions. We need to examine the report and keep working on this. There is more than just one recommendation; there are 160 recommendations and we have to implement them all.

When IS 465:2026 was introduced, I welcomed the intent behind it but had reservations about how it might be interpreted by engineers. Reading several reports tells me I was correct. I reference one report where a house was given a group 4 classification, indicating the worst possible level of structural damage, with widespread deterioration and a clear finding of evidence of chemical damage. There is evidence of sulphate attack gypsum replacing binder secondary eclogite formation, mobile sulphates within the concrete system and full carbonisation of the concrete metrics. This describes concrete systems that undergo significant internal change and ongoing failure. Yet, despite this, the home in question is excluded from remediation. The conclusion drawn was that the sulphates are likely externally sourced and not linked to defective blocks. This is where the core issue is now arising, with decisions driven by a heavily focused but narrowly presented one-day snapshot of sulphate content. The most recent research, by Leemann, Münch and Dunlop in 2026, demonstrates that internal sulphate attack, ISA, can occur even where sulphate content is low because the sulphates have consumed, transformed, distributed and leached over time. The damaging chemistry does not remain static. It evolves, which means a low sulphate reading today does not mean sulphate-driven damage was never present. It may simply mean the reaction has already run its course and the sulphates have been used up. It is like arriving at a house that has been burnt out. Flames may no longer be seen and there may be little smoke remaining but the damage to the structure is still there. It cannot be concluded that there was no fire simply because the active stage has passed. There was a fire once upon time. This raises deeper concerns. Should decisions under IS 465 rest mainly with engineering interpretations and threshold readings or should they be grounded in a full materials science analysis of how these chemical systems evolve? There is a risk that homes are being judged on what chemical traces remain rather than the scientific reality of how the damage actually developed. Will the Taoiseach ensure that interpretation of sulphate-related damage under IS 465 is led by independent materials science expertise in order that evolved internal chemical deterioration is properly recognised, rather than leaving decisions to be based primarily on scheme engineers' assessments of present-day sulphate readings?

I thank the Deputy for raising this issue. Clearly, the defective concrete blocks issue has evolved. It is a very complex issue, which the Government is addressing in the first instance by agreeing and allocating very significant amounts of funds to the affected homeowners to enable families to rebuild their homes and get on with their lives. I believe in a multidisciplinary approach to issues. The Deputy's basic query is whether IS 465 should be led by independent materials science expertise or by engineering. I think perhaps it should be both. There always have to be inputs. The grant scheme is underpinned by the national testing standard. We have agencies, including the National Standards Authority of Ireland, NSAI, and so on to determine the standards. IS 465 was revised on 2 June and that revision now needs to be examined in more detail. The Government remains committed to following the science when it comes to homes affected by defective concrete blocks, as per the provisions of the Remediation of Dwellings Damaged by the Use of Defective Concrete Blocks Act 2022. The Minister for housing intends to carry out a review of the operation of the Act as quickly as possible. That is provided for under the legislation. The issue of how damage interpretation is dealt with under the revised national standard will be addressed as part of that review. In the meantime, the scheme can continue to operate to fix homes for the many homeowners who have already received a determination and a grant amount under the former standard. Since the Government commitment of 2020, more than 3,500 homeowners have been progressing through the defective concrete blocks grant scheme, with grants covering 100% of eligible costs up to €462,000 per household. That is a 10% increase since 2023. Over €336 million has been spent to date, which shows the scheme is really ramping up, with a record €175 million allocated this year. More than 500 homes have been completed, with 750 currently undergoing remediation. Approximately 80% of the affected homes are in Donegal. This is a significant scheme by any yardstick. I do not think it has any precedent in terms of its scale. The issue the Deputy raised is a technical issue, albeit a significant one, arising from recent changes to the national standard governing the scheme. The changes have to be assessed and a review process is required under the legislation. IS 465 is the national standard currently used to assess damage caused by mica or pyrite in affected homes.

The reason I raised this issue is that right now, as we speak, there will be people going in with foundations with levels of ISA in them. They will potentially be building on top of a foundation that may fail in the future. I am talking about being fiscally responsible. As the revised IS 465 has been published, there is now a trigger. Can the Taoiseach give me dates for this? I do not want people to be building on top of foundations that contain an ISA and then, in a year or two years' time, the foundations on which their brand-new home is built are tested and shown to be damaged. It is about fiscal responsibility and doing things right. Is it possible to get some kind of timeframe for when this will happen? As the Taoiseach said, there are homeowners progressing through the scheme.

For what is the Deputy seeking a timeframe?

I am asking for a timeframe for when this decision will be implemented. The trigger is off now with the revision of IS 465. When will the Minister for housing review and adapt to these changes?

The revision to IS 465 was made on 2 June. Under section 51 of the Act, the Minister must review the scheme following that revision. The review will examine several aspects of the scheme, including treatment of foundations. Findings must be reported to the Oireachtas within three months of completion. That is the timeline.

Is the Taoiseach aware that parents of children with additional needs are now facing the prospect of being unable to access early years childcare services because of the Government's failure to support the childcare sector? In 2021, the Government made two clear promises, namely, that childcare costs would be reduced to €200 per month and that providers would be supported through a new core funding model. The reality is that it has failed on both counts. Childcare providers honoured their side of the agreement. When core funding was introduced, they accepted fee freezes because they believed the Government would work with them to address the mounting pressures facing the sector. Instead, providers were left carrying rising costs, increasing regulation, staff shortages and growing financial burdens while Government Ministers sat on their hands. Today, we are witnessing the consequences. Children with additional needs are at risk of losing access to vital services. Parents who rely on childcare to remain in employment are facing impossible choices. Many will have to reduce their hours, take unpaid leave or in some cases leave the workforce entirely to care for their children. That comes at a huge personal cost to families and significant economic cost to the State. This crisis did not appear overnight. It is a direct result of Government inaction. Every week another childcare provider closes its doors. Since 2021, 137 crèches have closed in the Taoiseach's county alone. Nationally, 977 early years childcare services have shut down in that time. That represents childcare places for between 32,000 and 35,000 children disappearing from communities across the country. At the same time, approximately 40,000 children are now on waiting lists, with rural Ireland being hit hardest. Families in towns and villages are finding that there are no places available. Yet, when challenged on these figures, the Government points to the opening of 579 new services since 2021. What the Government fails to tell the people is that these are predominantly after-school services and do little or nothing to address the collapse in early years provision. Once again, we see the Government massaging figures to suit a political narrative rather than confronting the reality facing families. The most vulnerable children in our society need support, their parents need support and childcare providers need support. Instead, they have been ignored. The solution is neither complicated nor unreasonable. Providers are calling on the Government to reverse the funding freezes and introduce a sustainable funding model that reflects the real cost of delivering childcare. They are asking to be treated as partners rather than an afterthought, but that respect has never come. Instead, it is the same old story. The men and women who get up early every morning to go to work, pay their taxes and try to provide for their families continue to be squeezed from every direction. Childcare providers are being choked by costs and parents are being left without options. This sector is on the brink. The warning signs have been there for years. How many more closures, how many more waiting lists and how many more families must be pushed to breaking point before the Government finally acts?

We need a sense of balance and perspective here. The Deputy's assessment is way off the mark, in terms of painting a picture of where childcare is today compared with where it was even five years ago. We have delivered more progress on childcare in five years than in the previous 30 years. Costs are down by 36%, investment is at a record high and now, for the first time in the State's history, we are beginning to directly build childcare facilities. New measures announced this month will reduce fees further from September 2026. Childcare will be a central priority in budget 2027. We will really focus on it. I know that the Minister, Deputy Norma Foley, has significant proposals which will be part of the budget preparations and negotiations. We are very conscious of the essential role that childcare plays, first of all, in the development of the child. We always have to keep the child centre stage in respect of childcare provision and child development, and then in terms of parents and to facilitate people to access the workplace. Core funding participation is at its highest level since the scheme began, despite what the Deputy has said. As of today, over 4,590 services have signed up for the 2025-26 programme, making this the largest number of partner services in core funding since the launch. Some 177 services left core funding at some point over the lifetime of the scheme and currently operate outside of it. A total of 415 services left at some point but later rejoined and are now participating in year 4. Over 70% of services that had exited have returned. This demonstrates the scheme's underlying strength and stability. More than 92% of eligible providers remained engaged across the first three years of core funding, showing sustained sector-wide participation. We increased core funding again this year to about €480 million. That is an increase of €90 million on the current year. We are just 16 months into a five-year term for this Government. We are focusing on reducing the fees and core funding is a mechanism for doing that. We have made significant progress in relation to that. For a typical full-day place, the maximum fee drops from approximately €280 to €183 per week, after the universal national childcare subsidy scheme. This is a saving of over €600 per family since we froze price levels in 2022. We are also increasing income thresholds from September. About 25% of children in the national childcare scheme are now already paying under €200 per month. We will make continued progress on increasing the number who will be paying €200 or less and we will make a significant move on that in the forthcoming budget.

My assessment is not way off the mark. I have sat down with early childcare providers and they are telling me this. They are the people who are on the ground. They know the crisis that is there. This is no longer a crisis but an implosion that is unfolding before the Government's eyes. The truth is that the Government has allowed the sector to drift from crisis into collapse. It is jeopardising the future of thousands of children, particularly those with additional needs, who depend on these services. What makes this even more astonishing is that after years of rising costs, soaring inflation and relentless financial pressure, the Government's response was to increase the base core funding rate by just 9 cent per child per hour. In what world does a 9 cent increase even begin to address inflation, wage pressures, insurance costs, energy bills and the wider cost-of-living crisis? It is completely detached from the reality facing providers on the ground. For once, stop kicking this issue down the road. Stop hiding behind future budgets and long-term reviews. The sector needs action now and not another promise, not another consultation and not another excuse. If the Government does not act urgently, the damage being done to children, families and childcare providers will be felt for years to come.

Budget 2026 invested almost €1.5 billion in early learning and childcare, which is a 12% increase. Going back a decade, that figure was €260 million. Numbers speak for themselves in terms of the funding. A total of 277,000 children will benefit from the national childcare scheme in 2026. That is 27,000 more than last year. That is not collapse; it is expansion. Childcare prices have fallen by 36% since October 2022, with fees held at 2021 levels while the rest of the cost of living has risen. Some 105,000 children accessed two free preschool years under ECCE. The access and inclusion model supports a record 8,400 children with special needs or disabilities. That figure is up from 7,900. A total of 806 services receive equal start targeted supports, reaching 38,000 vulnerable children. For the first time in the history of the State, the Government is directly building and acquiring childcare facilities. Up to eight facilities will be delivered in 2026. That is not collapse; that is expansion. Yes, there are challenges. We will do more again in the forthcoming budget to copper-fasten, consolidate and expand services and reduce the price that people have to pay for childcare.