2026-07-01

I mo cháil mar Aire Gnóthaí Eachtracha agus Trádála, is geal liom go bhfuil deis agam inniu aitheasc a thabhairt os comhair na Dála, ar an gcéad lá d’ochtú hUachtaránacht na hÉireann ar Chomhairle an Aontais Eorpaigh. As Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade, I welcome the opportunity to address the Dáil today, the first day of Ireland’s eighth Presidency of the Council of the EU. I thank colleagues for attending the opening ceremony but particularly wish to use this opportunity to thank the wonderful choir, Defence Forces band, artists and singers, in particular those who contributed today. They really added to the sense of occasion and gave people a sense of what was to come in the months ahead. We take on the Presidency role at a crucial time for Europe. Why do I say that? The EU is navigating its most turbulent geopolitical era in decades, defined by Russian aggression in Ukraine, escalating conflicts in the Middle East and a volatile global trade environment. We are facing an environment where economic interdependence is frequently weaponised, challenging our traditional reliance on a strictly rules-based international order. Across the Union, we are responding by strengthening our economic resilience, advancing the green and digital transitions and reaffirming our commitment to democratic values and the rule of law. Our Presidency provides Ireland with a platform and an opportunity to lead member states in this response, seeking to build consensus on how we respond to the challenges facing Europe, how we deliver practical progress on behalf of all European citizens and how, importantly, we seize the opportunities available to us. Ireland brings to this role a strong track record as a committed and constructive member state of the EU. Our experience, values and diplomatic tradition equip us well to navigate the complexities of the Presidency. For me, this is not just an institutional obligation; it is a profound personal responsibility. The Irish Presidency will be guided by the old Irish proverb "Ní neart go cur le chéile", and our guiding star will be just that: strength in unity. As holders of the Presidency, we will lead a collective effort, and we know we can depend on the support and co-operation of our fellow member states as we work together in the interests of people, communities and businesses right across Europe. We will build on the excellent work of the Cypriot Presidency, which has guided the agenda of the Council so effectively throughout the first half of 2026. It has achieved significant progress in many areas. I again thank it and my colleagues for the huge amount of work done over the six months. In turn, we will seek to lay strong foundations for further progress in important areas of policy during the Presidency terms of our Trio partners, in other words working closely with Lithuania and Greece. The Irish EU Presidency will focus its efforts on enhancing the competitiveness of our economy, safeguarding the values of our Union at home and abroad, and providing for the security of our citizens. These core themes – competitiveness, values and security – are closely interlinked. They are mutually reinforcing. They will guide our work across all dimensions of our Presidency role. We will also strive for progress in a number of important areas which link all three of these thematic pillars. These include the Union’s ongoing support for Ukraine and our global engagement and relationships with key partners. This was reiterated in our engagement today with President Zelenskyy, who was very welcome here as part of our opening ceremony. As Members will be aware, the specific objectives we will pursue in our Presidency are set out in detail in the policy programme we published last month. In order to deliver a secure economic future, one that meets the needs and expectations of its people, Europe must act urgently to enhance its competitiveness and productivity. The Irish Presidency aims to make decisive progress in strengthening Europe’s competitiveness, focusing on the blueprint for action that was agreed by the Council, the European Parliament and the Commission in the One Europe, One Market roadmap. This will be a core priority for our Presidency. Given the urgency of the task and the fact we have discussed and debated many of these issues for some time now, the targets, while ambitious and challenging, are ones we are certainly ambitious in wanting to achieve. Success will require all member states and each institution to work purposefully together in a spirit of co-operation and compromise in the interests of every citizen and business right across the Union. Our work will be guided by five strategic building blocks. First, we will work to simplify rules to ensure a smarter, more coherent regulatory framework for citizens and businesses and reduce unnecessary administrative burdens. This is not about reducing or getting rid of regulation; it is about better regulation overall. The Single Market is the foundation of Europe’s economy and prosperity. Under our second strategic building block, the Irish Presidency will work to eliminate barriers, tackle regulatory burdens, boost Internal Market trade, drive digital transformation and ensure a level playing field for businesses operating across the EU. Third, we must match our global diplomatic strategy with a bold, enterprising economic vision. Faced with rising trade uncertainty and fragmentation, we need to be more driven and adaptive than ever before. Our Presidency will pursue an ambitious, open, rules- and values-based trade policy agenda that supports European competitiveness, resilience and economic security, and strengthens our trade relationships with reliable global partners. I will take responsibility for driving this in my role as chair of the meetings of EU trade ministers, including the informal meeting in Dublin in October. We will work to strengthen our trade relationships and diversify our markets, advancing trade negotiations with important partners and looking to new markets in Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand and the United Arab Emirates, in line with commitments in the One Europe, One Market roadmap. I will start that engagement next week when I travel to the Gulf to meet with our partners in the region. We will seek to build an ambitious EU-US trade and investment relationship, building on the work that has been done to date, including the ongoing implementation of the EU-US joint statement, which benefits all of us. We will ensure that the work around the digital dialogue that needs to happen will continue. That is a matter I have been pushing with my colleagues. Fourth, and crucially, we must step up all efforts to respond to the exceptional energy crisis facing Europe. Geopolitical instability has laid bare our collective vulnerability, making it an absolute diplomatic and economic necessity that we act. We will prioritise work to enhance Europe's security of supply and the development of sustainable, affordable and secure energy systems. During our Presidency, we will support and advance all EU efforts to strengthen economic resilience. Guided by the promote-protect-partner principles that support our economic security, we will work to bolster our supply chain resilience. Through all of these actions, we will lead the way in phasing out dependence on fossil fuel imports and securing long-term economic sovereignty for our partners and our people. We have in the past few months alone seen the impact that the closure of the Strait of Hormuz has had. We saw the impact on fuel prices, commodities and prices more generally. We need to phase out our dependence on external fossil fuel imports. Fifth, we must look to the horizon and work towards systematically building Europe's digital and technological sovereignty. We are living through an era of unprecedented transformative change. To secure our future, our Presidency will seek to strengthen the EU's capabilities and capacities in cloud computing and artificial intelligence, AI, while firmly advancing the Union's position as a global leader in responsible digital governance. The Irish Presidency will convene governments and global stakeholders for an international AI summit, which will be the flagship business event of our Presidency. This landmark forum will focus on a clear double objective: harnessing immense digital opportunities while empowering our people to thrive in a digital society. Economic leadership in the 21st century requires absolute resilience in our physical and regulatory infrastructure. Our Presidency will advance work on digital networks, focusing critical investments on subsea telecom connectivity and the security of subsea cables. We will work to create an innovation-friendly regulatory environment that drives strategic sectors, including semiconductors, biotechnology and new technologies, while simultaneously prioritising support for our traditional competitive farming and fishing industries. The Irish Presidency will continue to advance educational mobility through the Erasmus+ programme, ensuring our workforce is highly skilled and adaptable. Healthy societies are fundamentally productive and competitive. Health innovation is not a secondary concern but a central contributor to Europe's technological leadership. Accordingly, we will prioritise and advance vital legislation on biotechnology and medical devices, driving the long-term innovation, resilience and competitiveness of this indispensable sector. We will also continue to advocate, as I have in recent months, for the development of a task force to set out a more strategic framework for the life science sector - looking at not just the pharmaceutical sector but also the medical technology sector - to ensure we are planning for the future of those importance industries not just for Ireland but for the EU, and doing so in a strategic way. To put it bluntly, we want to ensure that through our competitiveness agenda, in all of the priorities I have outlined and all the actions, policies and legislative files that we progress, we are making it easier for people to do business. It is about removing some of the bureaucracy that we know has come to the fore in recent years. It is about getting rid of duplication. It is about making it easier to access money. It is about supporting business to grow and innovate to allow people to prosper. That is the overall objective and there are many ways in which we intend to do that. The values that we share are the foundation of our Union. They are part of what makes Europe a good place to live and work, and they underpin our competitiveness and security. Fundamentally, they are the very bedrock of who we are. Our Union is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of persons belonging to minorities, as enshrined in Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union. These values, mirrored in the UN Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, are the foundation that makes Europe a safe, prosperous place to live and work. They do not weaken us; they underpin our competitiveness and our security. Now more than ever, the EU must defend and vindicate these values. Our Presidency will make the safety of children online a central priority. We will advocate for an EU-level decision on the digital age of majority, champion robust, privacy-preserving age verification measures, and listen directly to children's views on their own safety. As Ireland takes on the responsibility of the Council Presidency, our values will be central to our policy. Ukraine continues to endure brutal, illegal Russian aggression against its people and its territory. The war has caused profound human suffering and systematic destruction of Ukraine's infrastructure, economy and environment. During the Irish Presidency, we will work tirelessly to enhance the Union's steadfast support for Ukraine and maintain pressure on Russia to end its brutal war. Continued political, humanitarian, military and financial support for Ukraine, alongside robust sanctions to pressure Russia, remains an absolute priority. We will continue to demand a just and lasting peace, upholding the fundamental principle that borders cannot be changed by force. It is time for Russia to agree to a ceasefire and to engage in meaningful negotiations towards peace. The Irish Presidency will work to maintain the EU's deep engagement with the United Nations, consistently promoting human rights, women's rights, gender equality and the rights of LGBTIQ+ persons worldwide. We will promote active diplomatic engagement to support lasting peace and security in the Middle East, reaffirming the EU's commitment to a two-state solution. We will continue to work with key partners to address the worsening humanitarian situation in Gaza. We will also not lose sight of the sharply deteriorating situation in the West Bank, where massive settlement expansion and rampant and escalating settler violence continues in an atmosphere of impunity. Alongside the situation in Lebanon, these developments demand a serious response. Reflecting our commitment to upholding international law and in response to egregious Israeli breaches of human rights and democratic principles, the Government has taken the decision to advance the Israeli Settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (Prohibition of Importation of Goods) Bill. The Government’s preference remains that collective action would be taken at EU level. This would have greater impact and is the strongest and most effective route. We continue to actively pursue this. The Commission will bring forward proposals as regards trade with settlements before our first, and my first, Foreign Affairs Council on 13 July. We take on the Presidency today. I will again press for action on an EU-level ban on trade with the settlements. We will also support EU efforts toward stability in Lebanon, Syria and the wider Middle East. We welcome ongoing negotiations between Iran and the United States to end the conflict in the Gulf. We must ensure that this brings real and sustainable peace to the region. We must reopen the Strait of Hormuz to international shipping, which will bring much-needed relief to the global economy and to our societies. The situation in Lebanon remains extremely concerning. It is important that the EU continues to support the Lebanese Government in its efforts to bring peace and stability to the country. We do not approach the challenge of peacebuilding from a purely theoretical standpoint. The experience of peace on the island of Ireland illustrates the profound importance of dialogue, partnership and sustained international support. The success of the peace process in Northern Ireland, achieved through the commitment of communities and institutions, and heavily backed by the European Union, reflects the unique history of our island. Ongoing EU support, notably through the PEACEPLUS programme, continues to underpin our efforts to strengthen reconciliation, deepen understanding and foster a shared, peaceful future together. The international security environment has changed radically in the past decade. The need for measures to enhance European security and to build our resilience has never been more evident. We know that no country acting alone can address the entirety of existing and emerging security challenges. The Irish Presidency will contribute actively to the ongoing development of our security and defence. As I mentioned, Russia's ongoing war of aggression against Ukraine, the devastating conflicts across the Middle East and the Gulf, and the rapid evolution of hybrid threats and new forms of warfare, including cyber and hybrid threats, present profound challenges to our Continent and have revealed vulnerabilities that all EU member states, including Ireland, must confront. These crises have made one thing unquestionably clear: Europe must invest heavily in all dimensions of its own security and rapidly develop its defence capabilities. As we take up the Presidency, Ireland will work tirelessly to advance concrete measures that strengthen our security, resilience and defence. As I have said before in this House, it is imperative that the EU and its member states continue to provide Ukraine with the support that it needs but that we actively work towards our own security strategy to ensure that the Union can respond dynamically to today's challenges. The Presidency will advance the measures set out in the White Paper on the future of European defence, the associated defence readiness roadmap 2030, and vital new initiatives on joint defence procurement. True security requires us to address critical capability gaps. We will support deep collaboration to build European resilience, particularly in the face of sophisticated hybrid threats which affect all member states, including Ireland. We will continue to highlight the central role of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy, CSDP. The CSDP framework provides an invaluable contribution to our collective safety and the Irish Presidency will actively promote its development and evolution. To secure our borders and networks, we will advance work on the proposed regulation on military mobility, tackle pressing maritime security challenges, safeguard the security of critical infrastructure and strengthen the Union's collective cybersecurity defences. During our Presidency, Ireland will support the mid-term review of the EU maritime security strategy while focusing on the work we are doing at home, identifying and increasing maritime domain awareness, combating the shadow fleet, and increasing member states’ co-operation on maritime domain awareness, particularly through mechanisms like the common information sharing environment, CISE. Russia's shadow fleet continues to pose a threat to European maritime security so Ireland will encourage and promote co-ordinated EU monitoring and surveillance measures targeting shadow fleet activities in European waters. Greater information-sharing between member states, the implementation of EU sanctions and the reinforcing of the legal framework underpinning our maritime domain are ways to address this threat. I say all this being clear that our constitutional situation and our prerogative and position as a neutral country are not in conflict with everything I outlined. We need to and can work more closely with member states, invest in our economic security and security more broadly, protect critical infrastructure and respond to emerging threats. This is something we must do as a country to make sure we protect, not just our citizens, but also our critical infrastructure while working closely with member states across the EU. I look forward to hosting a dedicated maritime security conference in Dublin in October 2026 where we will bring together owners and operators of critical maritime infrastructure, maritime security policy and legal experts and EU defence policy representatives. Ireland has delivered effectively on our responsibilities in our Presidency of the Council on seven previous occasions, from our first Presidency in 1975 to our most recent term in 2013. I am confident that we will do so again on this occasion. I look forward to working closely with colleagues across this House, with our European partners and with all stakeholders to ensure that Ireland’s Presidency is a success, and most important, one that delivers for people in Ireland, people in Europe and for our shared future.

As Minister of State at the Department of Enterprise, Tourism and Employment and at the Department of Climate, Energy and Environment, I am pleased to join the Minister, Deputy McEntee, in welcoming the opportunity to address the Dáil on the first day of Ireland's eighth Presidency of the Council of the European Union. This is a significant responsibility for Ireland and a moment of real opportunity for us to shape the European agenda at a time of profound change and challenge. Our Presidency priorities have been developed through broad consultation with people and organisations across the country and with our European partners. I strongly believe that these priorities reflect what Europe needs to do to deliver effectively for people across the 27 EU member states. From today until 31 December, Ministers and officials from across the Government are fully committed to serving in our roles as honest brokers to ensure positive outcomes for all of the Union’s 450 million people. We will chair the Council across its formations, anchoring every negotiation in our core priorities of competitiveness, values and security. By setting clear agendas, building consensus and brokering compromises, we will achieve a critical legislative programme in the interest of all 27 member states. The scale of the task we face is huge, but we are ready. In Brussels and Luxembourg, our Ministers will chair dozens of formal Council meetings. On the ground, our exceptional diplomats and officials will steer the vital day-to-day work of more than 170 Council preparatory bodies. Irish Ministers and Ministers of State, including me, will also lead on our engagement with the European Parliament across numerous complex policy areas, while leading and co-ordinating the work of the EU in major international negotiations, including significant United Nations conferences. By working with our partners across Europe to deliver an effective Presidency, we will ensure that Ireland’s position, influence and reputation in the EU is maintained and enhanced. We want to ensure the EU can respond effectively to the needs of citizens, communities and businesses across the 27 member states. One area that will be of particular importance during our Presidency will be circularity and the circular economy, which ties directly into the themes of competitiveness and resilience. At our upcoming informal meeting of environment Ministers, we will discuss the role of circularity as a critical component of resilience against external shocks and global supply chain impacts. Recent developments, including the conflicts in the Middle East and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, have highlighted the far-reaching consequences of supply chain disruptions, extending well beyond energy security. Turning to small businesses, which is an area I feel particularly strongly about, Ireland comes into this Presidency with a clear commitment to co-operation, ambition and delivery. We want to work constructively with our European partners to strengthen our economies, support workers and ensure Europe remains competitive in the long term. The Department will host the SME and Clusters Assembly in Dublin in November. This flagship Presidency event will build on our core theme of competitiveness, bringing together more than 600 entrepreneurs, business representatives, experts and policymakers from across Europe. The assembly will focus on practical measures to strengthen the SME sector, including improving access to finance, promoting entrepreneurship, accelerating digitalisation and supporting businesses to expand into new export markets. Through our work in leading negotiations and building consensus across the competitiveness agenda, we will help to deliver practical outcomes that enhance the competitiveness, resilience and long-term growth of Ireland’s and Europe’s small businesses. I will turn to space policy, which might seem a bit removed from day-to-day concerns, but is not. It is becoming increasingly important for Europe’s economic security and technological leadership. During our Presidency, we will advance work to enhance Europe’s economic resilience, ensuring the European Union is well positioned to compete and prosper in an increasingly complex and rapidly changing global environment. This ambition also extends to the space sector, which is becoming ever more important to Europe’s economic security, technological leadership and strategic resilience. The Irish Presidency will prioritise measures to strengthen the competitiveness of Europe’s space sector by unlocking the potential of the Single Market for space, fostering innovation, supporting the growth of SMEs and enabling European space enterprises to scale and succeed. We will also work to ensure that the EU’s ambitious space agenda is underpinned by a sustainable long-term framework through progress on the EU space services agency regulation. At the same time, we will seek to advance the EU Space Act to help to maintain safe, secure and sustainable space operations as activity in space continues to grow. Through these efforts, Ireland will help to reinforce Europe’s open strategic autonomy, strengthen our collective security and resilience, and support the European Union’s position as a global leader in this strategically important sector. When we talk about competitiveness, it is important to say it is not just about business; it is about people too. A competitive Europe must also be a fair Europe and we will strike the right balance between supporting businesses to grow and innovate and protecting workers and maintaining strong social standards. As highlighted by the Draghi and Letta reports, Europe faces significant competitiveness challenges, including an innovation gap, slower productivity growth and the need to deepen the Single Market. Our Presidency will support the European Commission’s competitiveness compass by promoting an environment where SMEs can grow and scale, emerging technologies can flourish and investment can drive sustainable economic growth. A key priority during our Presidency will be advancing the European employment agenda, including work on the forthcoming quality jobs Act and the fair labour mobility package. These initiatives will help to shape the future of work across Europe by supporting quality employment, fair working conditions, skills development, social dialogue and labour mobility.

I will start with the logistical side of things. I acknowledge that this is a project which many hundreds if not thousands of people in the Department of foreign affairs and other Departments will work very hard on. I am always very aware of the professionalism of the Department of foreign affairs. I commend it on its work today and on the work it does on an ongoing basis. I have every faith that it will deliver, from an organisational point of view, a very successful Presidency. The other part of the logistical side of things to register again the concerns we have raised in the past about security. The anti-drone technology that was supposed to be procured and put in place last autumn is only just about coming into play now, just in time the Presidency. Our reliance on other member states, which has been reported, reflects the fact that for many years successive Governments failed to invest in defence. The priority for the Irish Government should be to be strong on neutrality and on defence. The two things need to go together. Ultimately, a failure to invest leads to a reliance on others that has been demonstrated in the context of this Presidency. On the political side, this should be a Presidency that leaves a mark. If we get to a stage at the end of the Presidency where the Commission is happy that all its priorities were shepherded through by the Irish Government to the Commission's satisfaction, I am sure that will lead to praise for the Government and its Ministers. Ultimately, however, that is not what the Irish people need. They need a Presidency that is assertive, that shows leadership, that is proudly Irish and that is willing to highlight and advocate on behalf of our interests. Of course, there is a balance to be struck. We must acknowledge that we hold the Presidency now but that this is a role that only comes around every so often. In that context, we need to take this opportunity and show assertive leadership. In our submission on the Presidency, we highlighted six key priorities, namely Irish unity, the promotion of peace, the cost-of-living crisis, workers' rights, overseas development aid and fair play for farmers and fishers. On the first of these, it is extraordinary that we are going to go into a Presidency at a time when the Irish Government seems to have no ambition whatsoever to talk about Irish unity. It is incumbent on those who support Irish unity to take opportunities such as this to advocate for it. I am not saying that this is going to be the number one priority for Slovakia, France or Greece, but the EU, as an institution, will have a role to play when and if reunification is achieved. That is very clear, and previous Irish Governments have made engagements to ensue that the North can, in the event of Irish unity, access the EU. However, in their contributions, the Minister and the Minister of State said more about space than about Irish unity. Investment in space is important, and I appreciate that it has knock-on impacts for research, science and so on, but this is the Irish Government and it should be using opportunities like this to advocate for Irish unity. The next priority is the promotion of peace. The shameful record of the EU on the Middle East in recent years has been frequently outlined in this Chamber. We cannot allow a situation where all the focus is on the humanitarian side, which is important, and not push for a sustainable political solution for the Middle East, including in Lebanon. I wish to flag the issue of Sudan. Too often, Sudan has been allowed to slip off the agenda. However, the conflict there is one of the biggest, if not the biggest, conflicts in the world. The cost-of-living crisis is next. The cost of energy and reform of the energy markets are crucial. Workers’ rights are another priority we highlighted. I and many trade unionists across Europe are concerned that this Ireland Inc. proposal will lead to forum-shopping and to companies registering in countries with the weakest labour laws. We can all work towards simplification if workers’ rights and the environment are not made victims, but I am concerned that they will be sacrificed for this. On overseas development aid, unfortunately, many countries are walking away from their track record. There will be people, especially in Africa, who will suffer because of cuts to medical and public health programmes. We need to keep that matter on the agenda. Last of all, fair play for farmers and fishers in the context of the Common Agricultural Policy. The Presidency should, to the greatest extent possible, ensure there is Six Counties representation and engagement with them. That does not seem to be prominent enough in the programme as things stand.

Mar a dúirt an tAire, Ireland's Presidency of the Council of the European Union comes at a defining moment for Ireland and Europe. Communities across the Continent are facing soaring living costs, deepening inequality, housing crises, climate change and growing international instability. The Presidency presents Ireland with an opportunity not just to just chair meetings or hold photo opportunities but also to provide leadership rooted in equality, solidarity and justice. Our Presidency must place ordinary workers, families and communities rather than corporate interests at the centre of Europe’s agenda. Ireland must champion a pro-social Europe that delivers for working people. Across the European Union, families are struggling to afford basics like housing, childcare, healthcare and energy. Economic growth means little if it fails to improve people’s lives. Climate action remains one of the defining challenges of our generation, but the transition to a greener economy must be a just one. Workers, families and rural communities cannot be expected to shoulder the cost while large polluters continue to profit. The European Union must invest in renewable energy, public transport and sustainable agriculture while ensuring jobs with fair pay and conditions are created across every region. Ireland must also use its Presidency to defend peace, international law and human rights. Ireland has a proud tradition of military neutrality and supporting peaceful conflict resolution. At a time when international law is being violated with impunity, Europe must apply the same standards consistently. Ireland must be at the heart of drafting Europe’s new strategy for security and defence. We need to ensure that the core principles of European foreign policy include accountability for breaches of international law and meaningful international efforts to secure just and lasting peace in many conflicts just beyond our borders. Our Presidency should also challenge the growing concentration of wealth and corporate power. Multinational corporations must pay their fair share of tax. Workers’ rights must never be sacrificed in the pursuit of competitiveness. Public services should never be weakened by privatisation or austerity. The European economy must work for citizens not financial markets. Ireland should also advocate democratic reform within the European Union. Decisions affecting people’s lives must be transparent, accountably made and subject to meaningful democratic scrutiny. Smaller member states must have their voices respected and citizens must have confidence that Europe acts in their best interests. Ireland’s Presidency should reaffirm the values of solidarity that lie at the heart of the European project. That means standing with workers, supporting struggling communities and defending human rights. Ireland has an opportunity to demonstrate that leadership is measured not by military strength or economic power but by our willingness to stand up for fairness, equality and justice.

Ireland's EU Presidency is a significant opportunity for the country that must not be missed, but it has to be for the whole island. I was really glad to see our First Minister, Michelle O’Neill, at today's event, because we cannot talk about any of the issues we are going to talk about during the Presidency without taking an all-island approach. We have a chance to demonstrate leadership, advance Ireland’s interests, address the democratic deficit within the EU and to help shape Europe’s future at a very pivotal moment. While we must make the most of this opportunity, we must recognise that it comes with huge responsibility. The Presidency carries a substantial cost to the taxpayer, and the Government must ensure that every euro spent delivers lasting value for Ireland and for Europe. One of the Presidency’s central priorities must be to restore Europe’s competitiveness. European businesses and innovators continue to face unnecessary red tape, duplication and bureaucracy. In that context, simplification must not mean deregulation. The Minister said that earlier, but it must be meant. We do not want deregulation. We are paying a price for deregulation in the form of the almost €9 billion that it will cost to resolve the problems caused by defective concrete blocks. Those problems arose as a result of light-touch regulation. We need a Europe that supports enterprise, encourages innovation and allows businesses to compete globally, but we must protect workers' rights, consumer rights, environmental rights and human rights. This Presidency has also shone a spotlight on Ireland's own preparedness in an increasingly uncertain world. While Ireland remains militarily neutral, neutrality cannot mean vulnerability and, for decades, the Minister will know that the Defence Forces have been neglected. Despite years of warnings and ample time to prepare, we still lack basic capability to protect our own skies and seas against modern threats and we are, unfortunately, relying on others to fill the gaps.

Many Irish people have mixed emotions on the European project. It is a love-hate relationship of sorts. I spoke in the European Parliament recently as part of the Erasmus programme. I certainly love the element of mutual co-operation and cultural exchange with countries with which we have had links since the time of the monks shining a light into the dark Continent. However, many people dislike the increasing militarisation of a federal superstate that appears to prioritise the interests of corporations over communities. Ireland should be a voice for peace. Only today, we saw how hard-pressed consumers were hit with a charge of €3 per non-EU product, which should have been passed on to billionaire corporations that produce the products and flood the market with them. There are also double standards whereby we strongly sanction Russian aggression in Ukraine but adopt a kid glove approach to the maniacal State of Israel, while we watch the world's first live-streamed genocide yet do very little about it. That represents rank EU hypocrisy. The sovereignty of national parliaments can be superseded by a federal superstate, such as with the EU migration pact, if a government rolls over and kowtows to Ursula von der Leyen and hands control over to unelected bureaucrats in Brussels. There has undoubtedly been much progressive legislation coming from Europe, such as the area of workers' rights and other dimensions. However, there is no reason that any national parliament should not be capable of enacting the same legislation. I attended and enjoyed today's ceremony in Dublin Castle. It was very well run. I compliment those involved. There was a big emphasis on EU enlargement, which will allow 36 million and, eventually, 136 million from non-EU countries to have free movement into Ireland and elsewhere. Have we considered the practical implications of all this in terms of Ireland's infrastructure and people's access to housing, healthcare and education? We need to. Unfortunately, I do not hear much emphasis on EU enlargement into counties Fermanagh, Armagh, Tyrone, Derry, Antrim and Down and the use of our Presidency as a unique opportunity to garner support for Irish reunification, just as we did with German reunification.

The European Presidency gives Ireland the opportunity to put the interests of the Irish people firmly on the EU's agenda. First, Irish unity should be front and centre of that agenda. The Presidency is an opportune time to advance structured discussions on preparing for a united Ireland within the EU. Second, the cost-of-living crisis demands an EU-wide response centred on energy and food affordability and security. Finally, this Presidency should be in support of peace and international law. It is within that context that I would like to raise the ongoing political situation in Cuba, which demands a strong humanitarian response both from Ireland and the EU. As the Chamber will be aware, Cuba has been suffering the result of 65 years of a US blockade and, of late, a complete sanction on the delivery of oil to Cuba. Schools and universities are closed as they cannot function without electricity. Food produced in the countryside is rotting in the ground because farmers do not have fuel to deliver it to the towns and cities. The urban people are suffering food deprivation. Hospitals cannot function due to lack of electricity either. The entire island is asphyxiated. There is no public transport. Sanitation is compromised, disease is everywhere and fresh water is hardly available. Their economy is completely compromised as most hotels are closed, causing even more unemployment and poverty. My heart breaks for the Cuban people when I see the reality of what is happening to them. I realise it is probably unique to raise it in the context of this, but I do think we have a unique voice here. The role that Ireland plays on an international level is an incredibly strong one and now we have this Presidency. We should use it to amplify our views and, indeed, amplify a moral voice within an increasingly difficult international context. We need to do everything that we can so there can be a free flow of fuel, medicines and essential supplies to the Cuban people.

I welcome the opportunity to speak today. Well done to the team involved on a very successful launch in Dublin Castle today. I genuinely wish the Government all the best in the EU Presidency. I know it is a big undertaking. However, I also urge it to listen to what is being said today from the Opposition benches. I believe there are a lot of insights that could be well used by Government during these coming six months. Being a proud European means being an active voice, and we in the Social Democrats are proud Europeans. However, that pride is not based on blind loyalty. It is based on a commitment to the values that are supposed to form the bedrock of the European Union - peace, social justice, solidarity and human rights. We are an influential voice within a group of 27 nations and we need to stand by those values when others seek to turn their backs on them. As António Costa said earlier today, Ireland is not just at the heart of Europe, but a decisive actor. When we refuse to call out the abandoning of those values and when we view constructive and valid criticism of EU actions as taboo, we feed anti-EU sentiment and the erosion of our democracies, here and abroad. Ní mhothaíonn formhór na ndaoine nasctha leis an méid a tharlaíonn sa Bhruiséil. People in this country do not see Ireland meaningfully defending environmental regulation at EU level. They do not see Ireland fighting for better digital protections at EU level. They do not see their Government defending their rights. Instead, the State approach to this EU Presidency seems to be about prioritising deregulation and collapsing social cohesion spending, while building war machines across our Continent with taxpayer money. We cannot and should not sacrifice Europe’s social values in the name of competitiveness and simplification. These buzzwords will not deliver the positive change our citizens need. The multi-annual financial framework has expanded both cohesion and competitiveness funding to include military spending and defence industry support, respectively. This will have the effect of benefiting our most developed member states, which are home to the arms factories where this funding will be funnelled. This is all while small businesses operating outside the military space will find it harder and harder to access supports. We in the Social Democrats argue that our best defence against interference and propaganda from foreign powers is a strong and socially cohesive Union of democracies. Courage means leading the way. It means not allowing inaction in the face of genocide and aggression. So many people in Ireland feel let down by the refusal of the EU to act on Israel's genocide in Gaza. They are angry that in the face of blatant violations of the human rights clauses of the EU-Israel Association Agreement, we have seen no action. I welcome that we took decisive action against Russia for its illegal war of aggression in Ukraine. We need those values to be upheld consistently, no matter the perpetrator. We need companies and people who support and fund wars of aggression and genocide sanctioned and held accountable. The words of our treaties, the promises made to our citizens and international law mean nothing if we do not see those things enforced. In the words of Volodymyr Zelenskyy, speaking earlier today in Dublin Castle, "it's so important to keep promises". These are not optional extras. They are not a gift or an act of charity. These are our legal and moral obligation to act, and Europe has utterly failed in that legal and moral obligation towards the people of Palestine, instead continuing to be complicit in occupation and genocide. The refusal from this Government to ban services in the occupied territories Bill was blamed on Europe. Now is the chance to lead. If the Minister means what she said about pushing for action at EU level, we need to see that urgently and completely. We need a Europe that is based on decency and shared humanity and Ireland now has a responsibility to champion that. Instead of dealing with refugees as human beings, the European Union plans to pour billions of euro into our own version of ICE. The Commission has proposed to spend nearly €12 billion on Frontex in the next multi-annual financial framework. We know Fortress Europe policies push people into the arms of traffickers, push people into boats in the Mediterranean and push people to their deaths by drowning, while Europe then tries to imprison people doing search and rescue in EU waters, like our own Seán Binder. This is coming at a time when MEPs are being refused access to see conditions in migrant centres run by EU member states in third countries, like in Albania, where six people have attempted suicide since mid-May. These practices, where lives are being destroyed and people are being treated as disposable, and attitudes we are allowing to take hold and grow exponentially across Europe have a real impact. The migration pact, championed by Fine Gael's party colleagues in the European People's Party, EPP, was also welcomed by the far right of the same chamber with chants of "Send them back", a chilling moment for our European Parliament. When we refuse to stand up unashamedly for decency and for the humanity of every single person on our shores, this is the Europe we create. We in the Social Democrats believe we can create a better Europe, but only if those in power stand up for a better Europe, a decent Europe. Ireland must lead that fight during this EU Presidency.

I congratulate the Minister, her Department and, indeed, all of the artists and designers involved in the new passport design. It is a beautiful document. It clearly shows the importance of nature to the Irish people. Fifteen thousand people were engaged in the process of designing this document. The reality is we as a state have not been kind to many of the species that were illustrated in that new design. Our Atlantic salmon populations have decreased by 90% in the past five decades. One third of our bee populations are facing extinction. Whales, dolphins and our sea birds are still waiting for this Government to bring forward marine protected area legislation. We kill thousands of badgers every year, we hunt our foxes with dogs and we course our hares for sport. It is clear that the illustrations are beautiful but we need to do a lot more for those particular species. I hope that when the Minister, all the other Ministers and all the officials are flying back and forth to Europe over the next six months and are flicking through their passports, they will be reminded of their responsibility to protect nature and the importance of nature to the Irish people, they use this next six months to fight for nature, environmental protection and funding for the nature restoration laws, and they do not allow the continued watering down of environmental protections that we have seen over the past number of months. We need to keep the environment on the agenda. Unfortunately, it has clearly fallen right off it. Even the speeches tonight were a demonstration of that. What we do not want is that the next generation of children will only experience the species that are in that document through the pages of that document. They need to be able to experience them in the wild and that will happen only through an Act of protection that the Minister can afford them.

I will raise two issues. The first is the issue of policing. It is deeply disappointing that there has been a reduction in Garda resources across the country as a result of the EU Presidency. In my own constituency, Ballymun and Finglas Garda stations will see a reduction in the coming months as a result of gardaí being allocated elsewhere in relation to the Presidency. There is a feud ongoing in Ballymun and shots fired yesterday. We cannot have a situation whereby the EU Presidency results in a reduction in safety in communities, particularly our most disadvantaged communities. I would like the Government to give a commitment to ensuring that that will not be the case. Second, on the issue of housing, it really is incredible. Housing, as the President of the European Council, Mr. António Costa, said at the ceremony today, is one of the biggest issues facing Europe today, but yet when you look at the Government's plans for the Presidency, there was not a mention of housing in the 13 pages of the two speeches. It is incredible. Across Europe today, there is a generation who cannot afford to pay the rent. They cannot afford to buy a home. They do not see a future where they can start families. They are facing record rents and record house prices because governments have failed to build social housing and have turned housing into an investment asset for landlords. We see the latter in AirBnB. The fundamental failure is that, across Europe, housing as not been treated as a human right. You would think that we in this country, which has the worst housing crisis in Europe, would use the opportunity of the Presidency to put solving the housing crisis in Europe at the heart of what we are doing, yet there was not a mention of it. What a wasted opportunity. We talk about threats to Europe and to the European project, yet young people feel completely excluded and alienated from Europe when they cannot get the basic need of having a home met. That is not a social Europe. It is not the Europe that was envisioned by the founders of the European Union. It is not the European Union that we want to see where people can have a decent life - a life with dignity. That starts with having a home. I would ask the Government to reconsider, put housing central to what it is to do in the next six months, and use this as an opportunity to bring European governments together and bring a resolution to the housing crisis.

I will start by acknowledging the Minister and her officials for the event that took place in Dublin Castle today. It showcased the best of every facet of Irishness, our identity and how we had evolved since we joined the EU all those years ago. It was a day when I was proud to be Irish and proud to be European. It shows our strong affinity with Europe and how we have evolved over the past 50 years. I am very much proud to be a member of Fine Gael and of the EPP, one of the leading parties in Europe, but one of the things that we should try to look at as part of this Presidency is ensuring that future generations recognise what it means to be part of Europe. One of the key parts of that is engaging at community level with our schools and communities. I met the Belgian ambassador, H.E. Mr. Nicolas Nihon, today. My county is paired or twinned with Belgium and we have ambitious plans to bring the European message to every corner of the county. There is a lot of work being done in relation to the likes of the Blue Star programme in primary schools but I think that this is an opportunity for local authorities to engage and maybe look at a European community day, where, led by local authorities, we could encourage every community to embrace this and get involved. Otherwise, I am concerned that a lot of this will be in Dublin. It will be in Dublin Castle and around the M50. Will it get out into rural communities? Will it be regionally balanced right across the country? We should be looking at initiatives to try to determine how that can be done better. I do not believe that there is any facet of Irish society or the economy that has not benefited from Europe, from students, workers and farmers to families and entrepreneurs. When we look at all of the different initiatives since the turn of the century, we have got a common currency in the euro, a common travel area, interrailing for students, European health insurance cards and Erasmus. Those sorts of change have given Irish students and every element of the Irish people a real sense of opportunity beyond our shores. We are a country of 5 million but when we see what it opens us up to in terms of hundreds of millions of people, it has given us a new outlook, not only on Europe, but on the world. When we see our investment overseas and the employment that we create right across the globe today, it shows how confident we have grown as a country and how we have invested and delivered, not only here at home, but overseas. It is a proud day for me as well when I see the logo of the EU Presidency and its connection to Offaly in that the whirlpool nebula, which was identified in the 1840s through the great telescope at Birr Castle. There is another reason to try to bring this EU Presidency on the road and explore such venues as Birr Castle. I look at some of the funding that comes through the EU and wonder where would we be as a country without it, including most recently the European Structural and Investment Funds, Erasmus and the just transition. We have been critical in one sense of just transition in my own county but at the same time it has provided a foundation or platform to go forward and ensure that we can see the transition from an overdependence on fossil fuels to looking at renewables through a whole different spectrum. That is something that needs to be reflected, not only in my county, but nationally. The LEADER programme is a scheme that came about as a result of Europe and I would hope that there will be a commitment, through this Presidency, to ensuring that it is protected and maintained. It makes a significant difference to rural communities. I look at some of the challenges that we face in terms of small businesses and their investment. LEADER has been a significant player in giving businesses in small rural areas an opportunity to diversify, expand and bring new economic activity to areas. When I look at the slogan of the EU Presidency, "Ní neart go cur le chéile", I think back to a former leader of our own party, Garret FitzGerald, who regularly referred to how membership would protect our national sovereignty through the sharing of sovereignty with other EU states. Now that we are a leading net contributor to Europe, it is something we need to be conscious of to ensure we do not take it for granted that opportunities for funding are no longer there. That is where EU funding officers, potentially through local authorities or regional assemblies, should be explored by Government and looked on as a potential way of ensuring we keep communities alive in order that we see that continual economic and social progression. In respect of the three pillars we are looking at in our own objectives - competitiveness, values and security - these are fundamental and something we live by daily. We have seen the cost of doing business in Ireland and the challenges around it, but we have to stay innovative and connected to that Single Market, and we have to advocate for entrepreneurship. If we can do that, we will be competitive and we will continue to see businesses flourish. From a values perspective, we can all be confident in the democratic system upheld in Europe today. We see how transparent the recent elections in Hungary have been, but also here at home. Going into a count centre and observing how our elections unfold through the counting of ballots, this is not something we should ever take for granted. It is a significant part of where we are at as a society and country. Sometimes in this Chamber, defence is something we take for granted on several different levels. Like it or not, there is a threat to the European border of our Union and we need to stand by our fellow member states and the likes of Ukraine to ensure we are united together. A strong message was sent from a European perspective today, with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in attendance as well as António Costa. However, we cannot take it for granted and we need to invest in it and support the Union as a whole. I heard some of the debate earlier about a decision between drones and homes. We have to protect our country and ensure we have the necessary and adequate defence while also investing in our future infrastructure. We need to ensure that as we continue to work with member states as a Union, we also have our own independence. From a defence perspective, we need to ensure we continue to see that investment and not necessarily have to rely on our neighbours. The same applies to energy. We have had some difficult debates over the past couple of weeks in this House with regard to gas reserves and the strategic need for security, with others proposing we just rely on our neighbours. What happens if there is a challenge with our neighbours? We need to have that independence and security, and we need to ensure we pass on over time to the people and to businesses that affordability in the cost of energy, while also reducing our emissions in fossil fuels. Overall, this is a very proud day, and it was a real honour to have been present. I wish the Minister and Government well, and I look forward to seeing how the next six months unfold. I am sure it will be through a very positive lens.

Ireland's EU Presidency is not an exercise in mere administration; it is a significant political opportunity, and this Government must not squander it. A Presidency that prioritises optics over action would be an abdication of our responsibility to the Irish people and to the future of our Continent. As we mark a decade since the North voted to remain in the EU, our Presidency must be anti-partitionist in word. The Brexit process was imposed on the people of the North against their democratic will. The Good Friday Agreement provides for Irish unity, and the EU Council confirmed that a united Ireland would automatically rejoin. The Irish Government must weave the preparation for reunification into the heart of its Presidency, and we must begin the groundwork for a smooth and democratic transition. The North should be represented, and Government must ensure the active participation of the Assembly and Executive in events and advocate for observer status for Northern representatives. This Presidency must be a force for peace. The EU has lost immense credibility in its response to the ongoing genocide in Gaza. Ireland must use its leadership role to build alliances and move the EU. We must push for immediate recognition of the State of Palestine, an EU-wide arms embargo on Israel and the full suspension of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. The EU must be a beacon for peace, not a bystander or active participant in atrocity. Crucially, this must be a social Presidency. While Brussels talks of deregulation and competition, Irish families are crippled by the highest energy prices in Europe. The Government must demand action to restructure the energy market and draw a line in the sand against any proposals that roll back workers' rights or environmental standards. Ireland is a neutral country. The EU was not imagined as a military alliance. Our Presidency must draw a clear distinction between EU and NATO business, and there must be no meetings of any military alliance on Irish soil. This must be an active, ambitious and proudly Irish Presidency, one that champions unity, defence and neutrality and fights for a social Europe. To do anything else would betray the trust of the Irish people.

As we assume the EU Presidency, it is important we set out the context we now face globally. To one side of Europe, we have an aggressive Russia which, to this day, continues to take the lives of Ukrainians in its illegal war, while to the other side, we have the United States which, for the first time since the Second World War, has an outwardly aggressive tone towards its dealings with Europe. We have a bloc of countries that, despite the huge market we command, are falling behind competitively when it comes to the US and China. Ultimately, as we assume this Presidency, Europe is scrambling - scrambling to increase defence spending, scrambling to tackle a housing crisis that is felt more acutely in Ireland, and scrambling to reduce our reliance on the United States as it moves toward an isolationist economic and foreign policy. Post Brexit and post tariffs, there is no doubt Europe is bruised. We have an opportunity over the next six months to turn the tide. This Government, which has been known to keep the handbrake on when coming to any decision, can choose to take it off. The Irish Presidency will have three key priorities: competitiveness, values and security. The worry is that when it comes to those priorities at home, this Government has kept the handbrake on and, because of this, it has failed. Why should people believe our Presidency of the EU will be any different, and if it will be different, why has that same effort not been shown at home? With security, we know defence and security are the focus of Brussels, and in many respects, they should be, but how can we be leading that conversation? This Government is more interested in debating the triple lock than providing real investment in the State’s own defence. We sit bottom of the EU table in terms of defence spending, and no matter how impressive the men and women in our armed forces are, we are not equipping them with the tools to do their job as effectively as possible. It is why we continue to rely on the RAF and, now, the French military. President Zelenskyy, who I am glad was able to return to Ireland today, was put at risk in December by this State’s underinvestment in our own defence capabilities. We have also still not got real answers to the drone incursion. Neither the Members of this House nor the defence committee know the exact details of what happened that day, and that is hugely concerning. As we discuss air defences in committee over the next week, I request again that the Minister would brief the committee properly on those drone incursions. If we are going to be steering conversations on defence, Ireland needs to get more serious on its own. This is not a call to waste money or to start buying up tanks. It is, however, a call to pay members of the Defence Forces better so that we can improve recruitment and retention. It is a call to invest in drone technologies, as suggested by President Zelenskyy earlier, to move away from our reliance on the RAF, to invest in our navy to move away from our reliance on the French navy, and to invest in Army barracks across the country and more. I welcome the Government's willingness to double down on European support for Ukraine, including its accession to the EU and the ongoing accession of Moldova and other countries. The more nations that want to join the EU, the more it shows that while Europe might be bruised, it is not beaten. We sit at a window of opportunity now that this State has to deliver not just in security, which is a key component, but also, as the Government has outlined, on our values. What are those values, and will we apply them universally? The EU is rightfully vocal when it comes to Russia and its illegal invasion of Ukraine, but that conviction disappears, certainly in many member states, when it comes to criticising Israel and the genocide it has committed in Gaza. Will Europe pressure the US to stop the blockade and the subsequent starving of the Cuban people? I am a proud European, but we need to acknowledge the hypocrisy the EU can display, and the need for a new direction. A Cuban life should not be worth any less than a Ukrainian or Palestinian life. All life is the same. Our values are on display on the international stage while we hold this Presidency, but our values at home and how we bring them to the Presidency are equally important. The website that has been set up for the Presidency states, "We will work to support a socio-economic model that emphasises societal resilience, inclusion and cohesion, and will take forward initiatives on employment, supporting quality jobs within modern labour markets." Societal resilience comes from equity in opportunity, so I ask that as part of the values portion of our Presidency, Ireland focuses on housing. There is no equity in opportunity between the older and the younger people living in Ireland. Thirty-year-olds are stuck living in a box room at home, or paying €2,500 for a studio apartment in Dublin. We have a generation who according to the ESRI will be worse off than their parents and because of that, as sure as night turns to day, we will continue to see a breakdown in societal resilience, not just in this country but across Europe. We need a radical reset, and that means State intervention in the housing market and State building, but more than that, and this Presidency gives us the opportunity to say this, we should be looking at the EU taking a much bigger role in housing across Europe. Supply is the only way that we will drive prices down. We need big institutions to be playing bigger roles. Ireland has the opportunity now to get the ball rolling in that direction. This needs to be a Presidency that is prepared to be bold and dynamic and to rip up the rules that the EU has in place where the US and China have pulled away from us economically. The Government is saying a lot of the right things on the competitiveness front - simplifying rules, a more integrated Single Market, accelerating the energy transition - and if all these happen, I will be the first to put my hands up and say well done, but nothing this Government has shown in running this country gives me confidence that it can drive these objectives at a European level. The Government does not have a history of simplifying rules. Just look at the new rural housing policy or the new rental rules - the list goes on. We are the furthest away from achieving an energy transition. We are missing targets, embracing LNG and ignoring opposition on it to boot, and we have an energy grid that is falling apart from years of underinvestment. On both those fronts, the jury is more than out on whether this Government can deliver. The next six months will be vital with regard to the direction Europe takes. I urge the Government to push Europe beyond what it is, and towards what it can be. With my remaining time, I would like to address another challenge the Presidency faces, which is the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, and the realities of the tightness of the European budget. Let us be realistic about the resources at our disposal. The MFF is arguably the most demanding task that the Government will face over the next six months. The Minister of State knows that. We are facing a paradox: the demand for shared European investment in security, economic competitiveness, the CAP, cohesion funding and myriad other competing areas. This demand has never been higher, yet the overall budget remains intensely constrained. As impartial chair of these negotiations, Ireland must balance our desire for traditional cohesion funding and agricultural support with new, critical industrial investments. The reality is that we are looking at increased and competing demands while not increasing our spending. Frankly, no group is going to be happy with the outcome. There are a number of potential areas, long mooted, that we can examine at an EU level, including levies on online gambling, on digital services and big tech, and financial transactions or capital gains from crypto assets. An expanded Union cannot survive on solidarity, pretty speeches and well wishes. During our Presidency, we must push the conversation forward by integrating the practical, financial realities of expanding the Union into our MFF discussions, and we must seriously look at how we simplify decision-making across the bloc. Ireland knows first-hand how the EU can transform a nation from a peripheral, economically depressed state into a thriving, globalised hub. We understand the immense mutual benefits of this project, but with that privilege comes a profound responsibility to lead. I hope that we will.

On a 13th century site in Graiguenamanagh, County Kilkenny, stands one of the last remaining textile mills, run by a family since 1778, the Cushendale Woollen Mills. It was successful in the procurement process to provide a corporate gift of a scarf for those who will participate in the EU Presidency. I mention this because it is of significance to how a family-owned Irish company can benefit from a procurement process that will now bring its product to the attention of countries within the European Union. It is proud of the fact that it goes from fleece to fabric. It is a wonderful family and I am delighted to have the opportunity to mention it in this House. I wish it well in the markets it will engage with through trade within the European Union and beyond. Like other speakers, I acknowledge the very positive role that was played within the European Union, the positive benefits to Ireland from that participation, and how we have successfully managed to develop as a country within that European Union, but when that Union started out, it was about more than trade. It was about the importance of the European citizen within that Union. An effort was to be made to ensure that the citizens of Europe would be better off as part of that membership. That, in my mind, has faded away to an extent. For example, why is it that within the European Union, you can get a very cheap mortgage, but you cannot get it here? It is a simple question but it is fundamental to the rights of Irish citizens to be able to get what citizens in other parts of Europe can get, which is a cheap mortgage. Why is it that the insurance industry within Europe is not open to the citizens of Ireland for them to benefit from cheaper premiums? Why is it that Sparkassen banks in Germany cannot be part of the banking system here? These are questions that need to be asked by the Government during the time of this Presidency. I listened to the Minister, who referred to simplifying rules, which is a good statement, but it is not what is happening in the European Union. The bureaucracy of the European Union has run away with itself and it has become more important than European states, and it has put the citizen in a second-class place. That has to be corrected and that is what I hope will happen during the Irish EU Presidency. The Minister referred to eliminating barriers. There are barriers to Irish farmers farming. That barrier is bureaucracy and red tape. It is putting farms as we would know them, small farms that make up the bulk of the country's farming families, to the pin of their collar to make money and to make a profit. It is only that profit that is going to keep them there. They are saying that they will be given a grant, and then tying so much red tape around that grant that it is not worthwhile for them to get it, but still they want to farm. It is making it difficult for them to protect the environment, in which they acknowledge the role that they play in that protection, and making the grant system impossible for them again. That has to be simplified. We talk about enterprise then. I am trying to highlight the imbalances that are there in Europe, some of the positions taken, the hypocrisy of them and, simply, the fact that maybe it is Ireland's fault that we do not stand up within our European Union and do what other countries do. For example, Taiwan has a population of 21 million people. It is a massive market. We have no place in that market, yet 16 individual European states have trade offices in Taiwan. Ireland does not have one. It did have one. It closed it down. It cost the State €50,000 a year, but we closed it down back in the downturn in the economy. It should be reopened. It is not interfering with our One China policy. It is doing what 17 entities from Europe and 16 member states are doing in Taiwan. They are trading and using that as an access point to China and Asia, yet we hide behind what is historically an outdated policy statement from China. We are not going to offend them. The other 16 countries that are out there do not offend them. Members of this House have travelled out there. Members of the Government have travelled out there when they were in opposition, but there are different standards now because they are in government. Yet, the European Union is leading the way in terms of the numbers that are out there. I want to see that changed. I want to see a student exchange, which the UK benefited from when it was in the European Union, between Taiwan and Ireland. I want Irish students who want to go out and see how the semiconductors are made to do so. I want to allow them the opportunity to be able to educate themselves on that issue, on AI and on technology. Taiwan is the leading producer of semiconductors. In fact, it opened and invested in Germany. It built a factory out there. Why is it that Ireland could not be at the table fighting for that investment, the same as every other country? These are the issues that I see in terms of enterprise. Social justice and the rights of people are a big thing. There was a group of whistleblowers in the Gallery a few weeks ago on World Whistleblower Day, some of whom went to try to have their rights vindicated within the European Union. The European Union fines us for not doing stuff, yet when it does not do stuff like protecting the rights of those whistleblowers, everything goes silent. Julie Grace, Noel McGree and Lorraine Morris and so on were out there. I want to see the European Union take on the role of defending those who had to go out there to vindicate their rights and perhaps to tell Ireland it should start doing its business at home rather than what it has turned a blind eye to, ending up in Europe to be sorted out. There is a mishmash here of all sorts of things happening in Europe that happen in Ireland where we do not fulfil the rights of individuals. Dan Brennan is another one I can think of. I want to see the citizens of this State being placed in the centre of any policy that is being developed or any action that is being developed whereby the citizen can benefit - not big corporations, vulture funds, banks or anyone like that. By the way, in relation to the banks, we were short-changed in a big way by the European Central Bank during the crash. That was never really addressed. We had big issues in terms of Covid and we want to investigate that. That was not addressed. Surely one rule for one country within the European Union should be the same in every other member state. The EU provides grant aid for all sorts of projects in Ireland. Essentially, what is happening with that funding is every city, town and village is starting to look the same. They have the same big cycle tracks, the same narrow roads, the same lights and the same everything. We should tell the European Union that everyone is not the same; we are different, and that should be celebrated.

First, I stand in solidarity with the staff and students of UCC who have been locked out of their college and workplace because of the visit of Ursula von der Leyen. Why there was a need for this extreme when people just want to go to work and college, I do not know but it goes to the over-the-top way that Europe and this Government are treating the citizens. Once again, the elites are being prioritised over ordinary people. There will be a gridlock in Cork. There will not be a gridlock for the elites. For the ordinary man or woman trying to get to work, college, school or to collect their kids, there will be. I have serious concerns after hearing comments in the past few days about the State's ability to guarantee security while we have the Presidency. The Taoiseach, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael have rolled out the red carpet to the Europeans. I am a proud Irishman and a proud European. I think you can be both. At the same time, however, we cannot have a situation where millions upon millions are being spent while children grow up in hostels and hotels. Millions and millions are being spent while children with disabilities cannot get access to school places, school transport or July provision. People with disabilities cannot get them. Our priorities have to be here. We have a Passport Office in Cork. Everyone will be travelling now into Ireland but Irish citizens cannot get passports because of delays in the Passport Office. In Cork, there was supposed to be a new Passport Office in August. Now that is being delayed until next year. The joke of this is there will be no passport printer in a brand-new office that is being set up in Cork. How crazy is that? People are having to get emergency passports. People are facing delays. I dealt with a lady who could not fly out on Monday because her passport was delayed. She had to fly out on Tuesday and book new flights, with the cost of that. If we are going to spend millions, we need to spend it where it needs to be spent. The EU Presidency should be a source of pride. The Taoiseach has an unbelievable opportunity now to make a real difference. Number one, we have to call out how Europe threw us under the bus during the financial crash and how the Irish people paid more than anyone else because of bankers and speculators and how they destroyed our economy. Fianna Fáil must take the blame for that. That lands clearly at its doors. We need the occupied territories Bill to include services. There is an opportunity now for Europe to lead and say that there is a genocide in Gaza. We should stop supplying the Israeli army with weapons. We should stop letting bonds being sold for money. Settlers are driving people from their land in the West Bank and people are being killed. There is a genocide in Gaza. We have an opportunity now that the Taoiseach must grab.

The jamboree of propaganda for the EU has started with the beginning of the Irish EU Presidency. The bit that concerns me is confirmed in the Minister’s speech: The [Irish] Presidency will advance the measures set out in the White Paper on the future of European defence, the associated defence readiness roadmap 2030, and vital new initiatives on joint defence procurement. The paper she is referring to is the paper ReArm Europe. That is what this is about. That is what Zelenskyy’s visit is about and what von der Leyen is about. It is about doubling arms expenditure in Europe from the current level of €400 billion to more than €800 billion – just a little under €1 trillion. To put that into perspective, how much has Russia, which is an aggressive imperialist power that has illegally and brutally attacked Ukraine, spent on military and weapons? €190 billion. Europe is already spending twice that but it wants to double that again. NATO in total spends 53% of all global arms expenditure, which is now above €3 trillion; in other words, €1.5 trillion – ten times what Russia spends. Spending lots on weapons does not stop war, does it? It does not stop the killing. What does it do? The European Union exports €800 million worth of armaments and weapons to the State of Israel while it is massacring and engaged in a genocide against the Palestinian people. It is profiting from genocide. It gives the state that is committing genocide favoured trade status. Yes, we are looking for a suspension, which we know we will never get. Ireland is a major trading partner. The European Union as a whole has €43 billion worth of trade with a state that is in the dock for genocide. Ireland is one of the biggest of those trading partners at €5 billion worth of trade and the Government guts the Bill to impose minimal sanctions with the Occupied Territories Bill. In the midst of the genocide, we discovered €20 million in one year goes in dual-use exports to the Israeli military. That is to the Israeli military while it is committing a massacre. At the same time, the Government is going to get rid of the triple lock, which removes some barriers to the Government deploying troops in a European military project which Ursula von der Leyen has spelled out when she was speaking about the Strait of Hormuz, which the Minister mentioned. She said we must open the Strait of Hormuz. Who closed them? Israel, who we are arming and the United States. Donald Trump closed them by attacking Lebanon and Iran yet this is what von der Leyen said in April: A threat to a merchant vessel in the Strait of Hormuz is a threat to a factory, for example, in Belgium. So today I propose that we move beyond reactive crisis management. She went on to say the EU must consider expanding the scope of missions. She said together we should “build a region where peace is not merely the absence of war”. To me, peace is the absence of war but that sounds like she thinks peace is war. Peace is European military action in the Strait of Hormuz – not defensive action but sending troops to the Strait of Hormuz to deal with the problems created by a war started by the United States and Israel, to which we are providing the weapons to conduct that war while they are slaughtering Palestinians. I appeal to people; we have to protest against this madness. Money that von der Leyen wants to put into weapons should be going into housing, health, education and dealing with the cost-of-living crisis faced by working people. That should be our priority.

Competitiveness, security and values are the key themes of Ireland’s Presidency. Each of these themes should be intertwined with our goals for a decarbonised, energy abundant, peaceful EU and peaceful world but, as we have seen from some Government pronouncements, these values are open to interpretation. I think we should be competing to have the most energy-efficient buildings, to have the fastest public transport; that real security means energy security through actioning renewables and that our values should be to protect those suffering from the depredations of war in Gaza. I hope the Government will agree with those points but some of the announcements that has come from the Government in recent days lead me to question that. These values demand a commitment from our politicians at both a national and a European level not to allow populism to strip away our empathy or to keep us from making our societies more climate resilient. I worry that as part of a broader headlong rush into that deregulation agenda, the Government will favour profit ahead of people and ahead of planet in our Presidency’s plans. While the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade was talking up competitiveness earlier this week, she failed to mention that the European Commission has opened infringement proceedings against Ireland for not meeting our climate deadlines. The Irish Government has missed its 31 December 2025 deadline to submit its draft building renovation plan to the European Commission, which is a core requirement under the energy performance of buildings directive. With the Irish Fiscal Advisory Council warning that a failure to take climate action could cost the State €13 billion, it is crucial that the Government prioritises climate in its EU Presidency plans. The Irish Government needs to get its house in order and it needs to get our housing stock in order at the same time. We need to ramp up renovations, particularly for those living in food poverty. Energy costs for householders have spiked and the crisis in the Middle East, coming on the tail of the Ukraine war, shows that sadly this will not be the last time an energy crisis of this nature takes place. Well-insulated homes save householders money, are more comfortable and help us meet our climate goals as well. Without a plan, too many households will face a choice of food or heat this winter. As new weather records are set across Europe, the Government has an opportunity to act on both climate and household costs but they must not be found wanting. We need to use the time this evening and the time of our Presidency to speak out against the Israeli establishment’s destruction of Gaza and continued oppression of the Palestinian people. The Government has outlined that it wants to take further measures in regard to sanctioning Israel to be taken at EU rather than national level for greater impact. The Taoiseach is on record as saying he intends to push for concrete EU action and urgent discussion on this but the time has come for the Government to step up and put meaning behind these words. We now have six months before us when Ireland will have the potential to have huge impact on this issue. We should be aligning with allies in Spain and Slovakia to put Palestine firmly on the European Union’s agenda. This involves not only highlighting the issue of the EU-Israel Trade Association Agreement and humanitarian aid for Palestine but also calling on the European Union itself to finally recognise the State of Palestine and all the rights that come from that. The Green Party was proud to be part of the Government when Ireland first recognised the State of Palestine in 2024. Since then, and because of the leadership shown by Ireland, many other member states have followed suit: France, Luxembourg and Malta. We not only have an opportunity but also a responsibility to use the Presidency to promote the dignity and the rights of this oppressed nation over the next six months.

I might start by recognising a very strong European who was a former Member of this House and who passed away on Monday. David Andrews was a TD for Dún Laoghaire and was somebody who showed on a number of occasions as Minister for Foreign Affairs his commitment to the European project and his commitment to the ideals of Europe. He is a great loss. I wanted to pay tribute to him. I have not had an opportunity in the House to pay my respects to his family, to his wife Annette, his sons David and Barry, and his daughters, Mary, Sinead and Claire. Déanaim comhbhrón leo as ucht an chaillteanais atá acu an tseachtain seo. I wanted to mark that because I thought it was important in the context of this debate. I thought this debate was about the EU Presidency which we took over today rather than an opportunity to criticise every aspect of the European Union. Listening to the debate, I think some people have seen it in those terms. I do not for a moment suggest Europe is perfect or that it does not have its flaws or areas where we have an opportunity to correct the problems with Europe but what we saw today with the opening at Dublin Castle was an extraordinary event that did reflect our uniqueness but also our uniqueness within the context of Europe. I congratulate those involved in organising the ceremony. I want to mark the extraordinary contribution that Carrie Crowley made as MC of the event and the extraordinary musical talent of Cormac Begley and Iarla Ó Lionáird who really showed the depth of musical talent and culture in this country. There was also the recitation of Seamus Heaney's poetry by Ruth Negga. It was a lovely event. I was on radio this morning and one of questions asked was whether we will have the opportunity to make our own mark on this Presidency. We have started down that road. The opening ceremony today was a triumph for everyone involved. It is also a reflection of the level of organisation and preparation that have gone into the Presidency. As Chair of the Joint Committee on European Affairs, I know we have had a lot of dealings with officials from the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade who are involved in preparing for the Presidency and the level of preparation is extraordinary. It has not happened in the past week or two. It has been in the making for over a year, and credit is due to those officials for what they have done and the Ministers who will coming into play chairing meetings. I know from speaking to colleagues that they are so prepared. They have a map of where they want to go during the Presidency and who the personalities are on their Council and how they will achieve what they have to achieve. Although it is not an officially announced theme, one of the things we have to look at is expectation management in the context of the Presidency. There is an enormous weight of expectation on Ireland. It is not just because this is our eighth Presidency. We sometimes forget that we were part of the first enlargement of the European Union in 1973. We are one of the older members of the European Union so there is a breadth of experience and understanding of the European Union within the Civil Service and the body politic in this country that does not exist in most countries. Cyprus, before us, is a younger member and a much smaller country that faced enormous challenges with what happened with Iran and attacks on their own soil during their Presidency. That made it incredibly difficult for them to move the agenda they had set out for their Presidency. We can only hope that will not befall us during our Presidency. Lithuania also joined the European Union, like Cyprus, in 2004 so is a relatively new member. They will take over from us next year. As I look at our Presidency, we exist in a gap in the foreseeable potential political turmoil. There is an opportunity for us to achieve great things through this Presidency but also an expectation that Ireland will deliver an excellent Presidency. I fully expect we will but so much of what we could achieve during that time is outside our control. It depends on the co-operation and ambition of the other 26 member states who will share those meetings with us during the Presidency. We do not know if something will happen to us like what happened to Cyprus. We do not know what complication or what attack there will be. When the French had their Presidency, they did not expect war to break out in Ukraine. When the Croatians had their Presidency, they did not expect Covid to hit. There will be unforeseen events that will interrupt our ability to get things done. We have the best chance here because in 2027 there will be all kinds of elections in Europe that may change the political landscape and make it much more difficult to get things done. When we look at what has to be done, there are some really important things within that Presidency. We have set our priorities as competitiveness, security and values but the MFF looms large as well. That seven-year budget is a constant battle between the frugals who want to cut and cut,and those who want to expand spending. Ireland, as an honest broker, running this Presidency has to be the middle ground that can bring those two sides together and that will not be an easy task. It will not be easy to broker a deal on the MFF. If we can do it, or substantially do it before the end of this year, it will put Europe in a much stronger position. I am grateful we have the opportunity to do that and we have a strong team in place at official and political level. However, in the context of the MFF and the changing political and diplomatic landscape of the globe, it is really that we do not cut back on the external action service in the European Union. We have to maintain the European footprint. We have to do so in a way that does not cut our aid budget. Only Ireland and Spain, as members state, have increased their overseas development aid budgets and that is a challenge. When I have said that to colleagues around Europe, they feel that because their countries have cut their ODA budgets, Europe cannot do it. I hope that will be borne out in the MFF negotiations. More important than just diplomacy, we have also have consider our relationship with other countries, particularly in the global south and Africa. We have to move away from a situation where we just see them as recipients of aid but instead as partners for natural resources, trade and development. It is not just because the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, is here that I want to pay tribute to Irish Aid. The manner in which Ireland provides aid to the global south is beyond compare because it does not come with strings attached. We invest in particular countries and identify particular projects. The money and resources are diverted into them but not with strings attached. Even though USAID has been slashed and burned under the Trump presidency, in the past the Africa Acts meant that aid would be delivered but it had to be spent on American products. It came with strings attached. Irish aid and foreign policy do not do that. It is worth recognising that as well. It is also important in what we have identified as our priorities is values. I listened to my colleague criticising Europe's reaction to what is happening in Gaza. I agree with a lot of what he said. I have been consistently disappointed by the European approach to this. Contrary to what he said, I have not been disappointed by the Government's reaction. In fact, Ireland has led the charge in recognising what is happening in Gaza. Never is credit given on the opposition benches to people like Leo Varadkar who was the first western leader to call out Israel for what they did, or the Tániste who was in the Department of Foreign Affairs when we recognised Palestine as a state, or the Government for building an alliance of states at European level that is beginning to approach this in a different way. Spain, Malta, Belgium, Slovenia and the Netherlands are changing their attitude to what is happening there. If we can build that coalition at European level, we might be able to make a change in the way Israel is treated by the international community. Ireland cannot do it alone and this is why being part of the European Union and having the Presidency is so important at this pivotal time. We can build those alliances at that level that might actually make a difference in a way that we, as a solo country, cannot do. Enlargement is part of the values priority. We have such a close relationship with enlargement, not just from when the ten accessions states joined in 2004 but going back further. We were part of the first accession. It was largely during our Presidency in the first half of 1990 that German reunification was debated. Ireland's experience of being part of the European Union has been almost universally positive. For all of its flaws, we have benefited significantly and not just from Structural Funds, motorways, infrastructure and things like that. We were a postcolonial society and country that grew up for its first 50 years in the shadow of Britain economically. Even in terms of the courts, before we became a republic, decisions made in courts in London were binding on Irish courts. There was a monetary union, and we were dependent on the British exchange rate and its currency. In 1973, for the first time we sat around tables in Europe as equals with other European states. We should aim, to the greatest extent possible, to encourage any country that wants to share that experience of true independence and taking their place among the international community. Over the past number of months as Chair of the European affairs committee, I have met with representatives from Montenegro, North Macedonia, Albania, Moldova and Ukraine. These are all countries that have bent over backwards to become part of the European Union. Some of them still have work do. We have to use our Presidency to give them every opportunity to deliver, to recognise the work they have done and to allow them to become part of what is the most progressive union on planet and the biggest trading bloc, that genuinely stands up for human rights, the rule of law and the perseverance of the right of everybody to enjoy life equally.

We are here because of the Presidency of the European Union. It is a great honour for Ireland to have the Presidency and to be in that position for the next six months. It also brings a lot of responsibility. From my perspective and the agriculture portfolio I hold, it is a critical time because we have the negotiations on the CAP budget. We see there are proposals to cut that budget considerably. That is something Ireland will have a key role in over the coming months. I hope we are able to bring about a situation where we recognise agriculture and European farmers are central to European security because food security is as important as any other aspect of security across the European Union. That is why the CAP budget needs to be restored and expanded and grown, if at all possible. That is exactly what we need to be doing. The Minister of State nodding in agreement, and we all need to work together to make that happen. We need to recognise that farmers in every part of the European Union contribute hugely not just to the wealth of the Union in regard to the food that they produce but also to the public good that they do and from an environmental perspective as well. That also needs to be borne in mind. We have a climate crisis across the world. We have certainly found some element of it in Ireland in the last couple of weeks. We have had record temperatures and I understand there are more record temperatures to come. We have had record storms and all of these things are having consequences. What we do with our land, how we farm and how we how we develop our agricultural systems will have an impact on that, but farmers cannot change and adapt unless adequate provision is put in place. In other words, they need to be paid for the public good they provide. That needs to be central to the CAP negotiations. I want to turn to one other aspect of it. Strength with unity is the motto of the Presidency. The previous speakers spoke about a previous Irish Presidency when German reunification was an issue. Irish reunification is something we all need to look to at the moment because a couple of miles from me in County Fermanagh people who voted to stay in it are now outside of the European Union because of Brexit. The region wanted to stay part of the European Union. We have an obligation to ensure that over this Presidency we work towards developing a critical mass of European nations to recognise that the reunification of Ireland is also something that would hugely benefit the European Union. We have a region which was part of the European Union before, which could immediately go back into the European Union if it became part of a unified Éire. That is something we need to work together to try to develop. We must work with people across this island, but also across all of Europe so that we can see what kind of funds and resources we can put in place to integrate two parts of this island which have been divided by an artificial border for far too long, so that they can come together and be part of a new united Ireland within the European Union.

Mar a déarfá, tús maith leath na hoibre. Even if it is only the start rather than half the work done, today's launch of the Presidency of the EU Council in Dublin Castle was, if Members can pardon the pun, a real "Ode to Joy" - from the band of the Defence Forces and the National Youth Choir who heralded the hanging of the Irish, EU and then the Ukrainian flags, to all the other performers, it was indeed a hugely positive occasion from an artistic and cultural perspective. "Samhradh Samhradh" was performed by a collection of musicians, including Laoise Kelly on the harp, Cormac Begley and Christina Polycarpou on the lyra, which segued nicely from the Cypriot Presidency. As someone who likes to sing and has written songs, I was blown away by the depth and variety of all the talent on display - from The Gloaming to the sean-nós, Iarla Ó Lionáird and the ensemble, Francesco Turrisi and Séamus Ong. Cormac Begley performing "O'Neill's March" with Stephanie Keane doing the sean-nós style dancing was absolutely amazing. Ruth Negga did a great reading of Seamus Heaney's "Beacons at Bealtaine". Tolü Makay did a fantastic rendition of The Cranberries' "Dreams". I noticed that a lot of the diplomatic corps from other EU member states were swaying to it. They knew the song and it really got them going. All in all, it was a great start and as Deputy Barry Ward just said, Carrie Crowley did a fantastic and very dignified job as master of ceremonies. Then we had the politicians. In fairness, the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste were very strong in outlining our vision both in terms of Ireland's role within the EU and also the direction of the EU, as were all the Ministers. Everyone batted very well for the team. It was good to see the European Council President, António Costa, make reference to Palestine, Lebanon, the Strait of Hormuz and the war in Ukraine. It was great - I also thought it was touching - that the Ukrainian President, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, was able to visit these shores so soon after his official State visit when he addressed Dáil Éireann. This again afforded him the opportunity to call on the EU to keep its promises. That is what I took out of his contribution. He pointed to Ukraine's future as part of the European Union and sounded further warnings about continued Russian aggression and how Putin is not going to stop unless strength and unity are shown. That is the theme of the Irish Presidency - ní neart go cur le chéile. I will reference the themes which have been referenced already: competitiveness in terms of strengthening Europe's economy, boosting innovation and productivity in the Single Market and supporting prosperity and jobs across the EU; values in terms of upholding democracy, human rights and the rule of law and defending these values not just in the European context but also globally; maintaining the foundational principles of the EU going back before we joined the European Economic Community in 1973; and security in terms of protecting EU citizens, strengthening stability and addressing the geopolitical challenges such as the aforementioned war in Ukraine and other global conflicts, and in terms of building resilience and defence capacity, which President Costa mentioned as well. On a related note, I mentioned at the EU affairs committee of which I am a member the need to really get involved with our young people and young people across Europe and to engage with them. It is great to see that this will form a good part of the local engagement and interaction process over the coming six months. That is all well and good - tús maith, mar a dúirt mé - but Ireland is only going to be judged on tangible achievements. It can be a steady-as-she-goes Presidency where we just keep it ticking over until the next country takes over, or we can try to get some tangible achievements. Obviously any country has to be realistic, especially a small country like us on the periphery, in terms of what we can do in six months given the real need for continuity, but it would be nice to see little bit of progress. On competitiveness, we have to focus on practical outcomes. That means focusing on cutting the barriers for SMEs, reducing energy costs and supporting innovation. It is about getting the balance right between regulation and enterprise. In terms of AI and social media companies, while the EU is quite strong in some ways, I notice a little bit of a dilution. I also notice a dilution on the measures to tackle climate change. Maybe there will be a redoubling during this Presidency. I hope there will be because we still have the naysayers saying that this is just a repeat of the summer of 1976. Our continental cousins are being absolutely devastated by the record global temperatures. We need to have energy self-sufficiency, which will have to be renewable, but also interchangeable across the grid between the French nuclear, the Irish wind and wave, and the solar, especially coming from the Mediterranean states. We have to show real leadership on this, and not just kind of keep things ticking over. On the values side, Ireland has to prioritise concrete action. We can talk about supporting the rule-of-law mechanisms, humanitarian leadership and maintaining a clear and principled stance in Ukraine, Gaza and other global conflicts like Sudan but what President Costa said today is only lip service when other EU member states refuse to stand up to the Israeli genocide because of their historic guilt or their geographic proximity. We are only talking the talk unless we use our leadership over the next while to put more pressure on Germany, Denmark and the likes of Cyprus to get tougher with Israel. We can still be friends, but we have to draw the line at some stage, just like we have in many ways drawn the line and risked the ire of the Trump Administration with our fairly modest occupied territories Bill. It would be great to see the occupied territories Bill passed during this term, and also for the Government to try to stretch it out to services. Let the legal eagles come in and show why it cannot be done, but let us push the boat rather than saying we are not even going to try it. We have to show true leadership in this context and maybe put a few noses out of joint among our partners because that is what you do when you are showing leadership - you tell it as it is. We are no longer trying to play the national card for the next six months; we are trying to play the European and the global card. On security, we again have a constructive role to play in strengthening EU co-operation on all sorts of security - energy security, which relates to the conflict in Ukraine; and cybersecurity, because again there are many malicious elements out there trying to attack European member states, be it from Russia, troll farms or other as yet unmentioned terrorist organisations or countries. We can lead without compromising on our long-standing policy of military neutrality. I take it from the Government's statement that we will not, but I just want to say anyway that we must not hinder the closer defensive co-operation of those other states which want to get involved. We know all too well, especially those in eastern Europe, Poland and the Baltic states, the dangers of being unprepared. On the wider delivery front, the Government has to focus on getting agreement across the line. Rather than just talking, let us see what agreements will be passed during these six months and what EU legislation will be further advanced and ready to sign off. It should not be a holding Presidency or just a thematic Presidency; it should be a tangible and transformative Presidency. I know this is a big ask in six months but we only get it every now and again and we have to use this time. I urge the Minister of State to be as firm, blunt and forceful as possible and, as I have said, put a few noses out of joint if needs be and we can repair the collateral damage afterwards.

I am delighted to get this opportunity to contribute to the debate. We know there are huge opportunities in relation to the European Presidency. We know we are in a very volatile world with an awful lot of circumstances changing by the minute and hour. It is fair to say that for all of the positives of the European Union, there are failings. There has been much talk about the failures of Europe, and we can go back to the financial crash and the fact we were not necessarily shown the solidarity we should have been shown. This is accepting the improvements during Covid and the huge solidarity shown to us during the Brexit disaster, the Brexit negotiations and all that was required in that regard. We all accept there has been a huge hit to the body politic and people's trust in politics, and to people's very financial being across Europe and the western world. When Europe talks about issues of security, and I am not even getting into the arguments about rearming the EU, we all know the Irish people are absolutely committed to an independent foreign policy, non-alignment and military neutrality. That goes without saying. If we are going to talk about security, we also have to talk about the security of our people and the fact there has to be a rebuilding of trust and relationships. This is about addressing the financial crisis that people are in. I accept we have our own issues here, where health meets housing meets the cost of living and the cost of fuel. The EU can facilitate us and we can work alongside each other on delivering on the big idea of dealing with the issue of the changes we need to make on where we get our supplies of fuel and power. We keep talking about wind power but we know there are huge possibilities. We could be talking about strategic autonomy for Ireland and strategic autonomy for Europe across the board but this is where we need to go. I agree with everything that has been said as regards overseas development aid and the fact USAID has cut to bits many necessary projects. People might care from a point of view of the issues they are worried about, whether this is the impact across the world of how people are being treated, the lack of fairness and equality, even in relation to trade, and also the impact it has on immigration to this country. The Minister of State will expect that I will finish by saying that we need to see proper movement on the EU-Israel Association Agreement. We need to do work on what we can do. As difficult as it is to push the Europeans, we need to see movement. I welcome the Tánaiste's foray into the issue of Irish unity, following the route map of the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond. I also welcome what I have heard from the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan. We have to have a conversation with our European neighbours on the importance and necessity of doing our own preparations but then their facilitating us in delivering Irish unity, which could really change things positively, North and South and across Europe.

I thank all of the Deputies who have contributed to this very timely and pertinent debate as we embark on the eighth Irish Presidency of the Council of the European Union since our accession in 1973, following the first Presidency in 1975. My dear friend Deputy Ó Murchú has laid out his concerns about the supposed failure of the European Union, to be expected from a party that has opposed every European referendum and Europe in its entirety until Brexit showed up. I appreciate the comments he has made. It is really important in this context to look at how Ireland has changed since we first joined the EEC in 1973. The average income of an Irish worker was two thirds that of the EU average then and it is now more than double the European average. At that time my mother was the victim of the marriage bar. She married in 1971 and was sacked from Ulster Bank, and I can give out about it now that it is no longer in the jurisdiction. In 1973, she had my considerably older brother and was sacked from a supposedly more progressive bank. It did not change until 1976. In 1972, the year we voted to join the EEC and Deputy Ó Murchú's political movement, of course, opposed that referendum, 55% of exports from Ireland went to Britain. Today it is in and around 10%. We were wholly reliant on our former colonial administrator to be the customer for our products and, in many cases, the receptive home for so many of our people. Our biggest export on paper may have been butter, beef or whiskey but really it was people. The era of mass emigration was in full flow and continued for many years, perhaps only starting to stem off when the EEC became the European Union. We were an economically lacking, socially regressive country whose water and air quality standards do not bear thinking about. Deputy Kenny very eloquently provided the muster as to why we need a strong Common Agricultural Policy as part of the MFF. The reason we have the CAP is for the very basis of food security, an issue that has returned to European shores in light of Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine, the breadbasket of Europe. Food security must, of course, come back to being a central argument in budgetary negotiations. Deputies Gogarty and O'Donoghue very eloquently talked about the need to make sure that we do not just pay lip service to security and that security is one of our values. The fact it is one of the three value points in our Presidency is not just a matter of words. I take very seriously Deputy O'Donoghue's criticism and I take it on the chin but, of course, what he failed to include is that the retention crisis in the Defence Forces is starting to reverse. In the past two years, we have seen more people joining and that is a good thing. The average numbers are turning around. The investment in naval vessels and radar technology is real and it goes to the heart of what the European project really is in its iteration and creation. It is a peace project and it is the most successful peace project. We have had the largest continuous period of peace between what are now EU member states in the history of mankind, and certainly in the history of the nation state. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, in her lengthy intervention, supplemented by the Minister of State, Deputy Dillon, in addition to the various speeches today, set out that our policy agenda for the latter half of this year is ambitious. To support this policy agenda we will host an extensive programme of Presidency meetings, with more than 270 events including a European Political Community summit, where the Heads of Government of at least 47 countries will come to Ireland. We also look forward to the informal meeting of the European Council here in Dublin in November. Alongside this, we will host 22 informal ministerial meetings. This is why the Government has been determined from day one that the Presidency belongs to the entire country and not only the capital, a concern laid out by Deputy Clendennen. By hosting six of our 22 informal meetings and approximately one quarter of all of Presidency events outside of Dublin, stretching into every part of the State, we are ensuring the Presidency leaves a truly national footprint. I had the honour of working on our previous Presidency with the European Movement in 2013 and it very much had a Dublin focus. There were only 11 informal meetings compared to the 22 we will host this time, and none of those took place outside of Dublin. Of course, there were no other summits. I will go back to the point concluded on by my friend Deputy Ó Murchú, and alluded to by Deputies O'Rourke and Kenny, on making sure the North is part of this. I was cheered to see the likes of the First Minister, Michelle O'Neill, and the leader of the SDLP, Clare Hanna, at the event today. Crucially, one thing left out by Deputies O'Rourke and Kenny was that the reason the European Council agreed unanimously that a united Ireland would be automatically part of the European Union was due to the advocacy of the former Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, at one of the first European Council meetings after Brexit. Deputy Gould raised the issue of costs. This is an important issue of misinformation that needs to be tackled. An article is going around the national press, amplified by a number of elected representatives at local and Oireachtas levels, claiming that this Presidency is going to cost us €400 million and that it is, somehow, multiples of the cost of other Presidencies. I do not know how this figure has been arrived at. The exact cost, excluding security, will be €168 million. The cost of the Presidency in France was €145 million, in Sweden it was €121 million and in Spain it was €170 million. Deputy Gould is also outraged that there will be limited access to UCC tomorrow as we host the entire College of Commissioners. The Cathaoirleach Gníomhach and I know that we are not in term time now. While there are staff members in UCC, one day and a couple of hours of limited access is not somehow an attack on people by the elites. We need to have a bit of relativity and reasonableness in these debates. A successful Presidency is about two things. First, it is about making real progress on important legislative and policy proposals that will help to shape Europe’s future. I do not intend to repeat the areas led out by the Minister, Deputy McEntee, or the Minister of State, Deputy Dillon, but I will touch on two points raised respectively by Deputy Ward and Deputy Ó Murchú. Crucially, there is also the importance of the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, which was also touched on by Deputy O’Donoghue. I appreciate Deputy Ward’s desire to highlight expectation management, but in the very same period, in the grips of the financial crash, this same responsibility landed on the last Irish Presidency in 2013. I have no doubt that we will be able to move budgetary proposals into a position where we will be able to hand them over in a very good condition to be agreed under the Lithuanian Presidency. I really want to underline, as the Minister of State with special responsibility for international development, as Deputy Ó Murchú laid out, that the abolition of USAID puts the focus on Europe. The European Union and its member states now account for over 50% of global development co-operation. Throw in Norway and Britain and we account for over two thirds of the world’s development co-operation. When it comes to budgetary discussions, Europe cannot fail the Global South. Irish Aid has stood tall. We are one of two member states, the other being Spain, to have increased our development budget. I look forward to seeing all-party agreement on that again in this budget. It is why we want to make sure that it is at the heart and the soul of the process when we have the first development informal meeting in 18 months in Dublin on 8 and 9 October. I thought of bringing it to Leopardstown Racecourse and maybe having a night at Johnny Fox's, but common sense prevailed. The second aspect in this context is really important. It is about communicating effectively with people so they understand what these decisions mean in practice and how they affect their communities, jobs, opportunities and daily lives. This is why it is important that everybody across Ireland has the opportunity to engage with the Presidency. Our Presidency provides a valuable opportunity for reflection on what it means for Ireland to be a member of the European Union in 2026 and what our enduring place within the Union means. This is why we have had serious levels of extensive consultation and outreach across the State. I was delighted to hold a development consultation on 8 December. The views we heard all contributed towards an ambitious policy programme that we can and will absolutely deliver on. It is also reflective of the shared priorities and aspirations. Deputy Clendennen also highlighted the need to make sure this is used as a template for re-engagement. This is why we see a children’s version of our Presidency policy programme. The Blue Star programme that he referred to was born out of the 2013 Presidency. I had the honour of working on the pilot project in that year. We also see the county pairings with member states. Dublin is tied with Greece, and I am delighted that the Greek ambassador could join me for Europe Day in St. Brigid’s Boys National School. Deputy Gogarty, also known by his stage name, His Sweet Surprise, in reference to his singing abilities, rightly championed the breathtaking cultural performances we heard in Dublin Castle today. Throughout this Presidency, we will see a real focus on our cultural offering as a nation and a people. This is also the first time where Gaeilge will be an official working language of the European Union under an Irish Presidency. This gives us a great opportunity. In conclusion, we have an immense challenge in front of us, which is coming at a stage when the world is in flux. We have a great opportunity and a great responsibility, and we are absolutely blessed to have a diplomatic and official team of over 500 individuals in Brussels and hundreds of people around our network who will drive an ambitious policy agenda and, crucially, a smooth Presidency that will be inclusive and welcoming and will get the job done. I look forward to all Members of the Oireachtas contributing to that and not just using these annual debates or the Europe Day debates to air whatever local grievances they have. Go raibh maith agat.