2026-07-08

I call on the Taoiseach to make his opening statement. Under Standing Order 133, he has 15 minutes.

Before I speak on my attendance at the European Council on 18 and 19 June in Brussels, I recognise that we are now one week into our Presidency of the European Union. The first week has been positive. On 1 July, I was honoured to welcome President Costa and President Zelenskyy to Dublin Castle for the opening ceremony of our Presidency. With the members of the Government, I was also delighted to welcome President von der Leyen and the College of Commissioners to Cork for very productive meetings. Yesterday, I was in Strasbourg to present the priorities of the Irish Presidency to the European Parliament. I also met with President Metsola as well as the Irish MEPs. I look forward to addressing COSAC, which is the conference of EU committees of national parliaments, next week in Dublin Castle. My key takeaway from all these meetings is that while there will be many challenges ahead, all EU colleagues want to see a successful Irish Presidency. Success will mean delivering on our shared agenda for driving Europe's competitiveness, promoting and protecting our Union's values and enhancing the security of our citizens. There is also broad agreement on continued strong support for Ukraine, progressing the EU enlargement agenda and working to successfully conclude the negotiations on the European Union's next multi-annual budget by the end of the year. Many of these issues were discussed at the meeting of the European Council in June. The discussions among leaders on many of the key priorities for the EU were very instructive for the work of our Presidency over the next six months. There was a full agenda, with leaders having discussions on Ukraine, the Middle East, the next multi-annual financial framework, competitiveness and global economic challenges, and migration. Other items on the agenda were, among others, European security and defence, illicit drugs and support for Moldova. I will set out the main results of the European Council meeting on Ukraine, the conflict in the Middle East, competitiveness and the multi-annual financial framework. The Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, will speak later on the other issues. We were joined by President Zelenskyy for an exchange of views on the situation on the ground in Ukraine, and how the EU can help Ukraine defend itself against Russian aggression and work towards peace. Ukraine’s future is in Europe and it was very positive that we were able to welcome, as 27, the formal start of EU accession negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova, with the opening of cluster 1 on fundamentals on 15 June. This step was well overdue and sent a positive signal not only to Ukraine and Moldova. but also and especially to their citizens. As recognised by the European Commission, both Ukraine and Moldova have met the technical conditions for the opening of all six clusters. The aim of the Irish Presidency is to open all remaining clusters with both countries by the end of our term, an ambition I reiterated to President Zelenskyy in my meeting with him in Dublin last week. This is not without its challenges. The opening of clusters requires agreement among all member states. As part of our Presidency, we will engage with the Commission and all member states to advance both candidacies in line with the merit-based approach. I look forward to the planned strategic discussion on enlargement, and associated reforms, that is now planned for the October meeting of the European Council. As Russia’s aggression against Ukraine continues into a fifth year, Ireland and the EU continue to stand in full solidarity with the people and Government of Ukraine. During our Presidency, we will work to deliver continued support for Ukraine. This commitment was symbolised by the presence of President Zelenskyy in Dublin for the opening ceremony of the Presidency last week. Russia has shown its disregard for peace and human life once again by launching intense attacks on Kyiv and other cities over the past number of nights. This is utterly contemptible. Our sympathy and solidarity are with the Ukrainian people. The European Union remains steadfast in its support for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine. It is crucial that any agreement upholds the fundamental principle that borders cannot be changed by force. We welcome progress on the first disbursements of the Ukraine support loan and, as part of our Presidency, we will work to ensure a steady disbursement of the €90 billion loan. We will support efforts to ensure that Ukraine can defend itself, including by advancing the disbursement of EU military assistance and facilitating the integration of Ukraine into the European defence industrial base. We will also support the continued evolution of the EU military assistance mission and facilitating discussions on the future adaptation of EU support as part of the EU’s longer term security guarantees to Ukraine. It is also crucial that the EU continues to step up pressure on Russia to agree to a ceasefire and engage in meaningful negotiations while also undermining its ability to wage war. Work is continuing on the 21st package of sanctions against Russia, which will target the energy sector, financial services and crypto trade. We will work during our Presidency to secure early adoption of this package. The European Council welcomed the memorandum of understanding between the US and Iran and stated its commitment to engage in diplomatic efforts to secure peace. It stands ready to support the implementation of this memorandum. The escalation in the conflict in recent days is deeply troubling. De-escalation and dialogue are required. Both sides should return to talks and work to achieve an agreement that addresses all issues, including Iran’s nuclear programme, and achieves a comprehensive peace settlement, which is vital for wider regional stability. We also wish to see freedom of navigation fully restored through the Strait of Hormuz. EU leaders called on the Council and the Commission to continue monitoring the impact of the closure of the strait on energy supply routes. EU leaders also condemned the ongoing violence and repression at the hands of the Iranian Government against its own people, as well as its use of proxies to destabilise the region and the threat it is posing to its neighbours. The European Council also reaffirmed the EU’s continued support for Lebanon and the Lebanese Armed Forces. Leaders made a clear commitment on continued emergency aid amid the devastating destruction and displacement experienced by the people of Lebanon. European leaders also agreed on the need for a potential post-UNIFIL, common security and defence policy, CSDP, mission, aimed at supporting stability in Lebanon and a continued role for the UN, which we welcome, in line with our long-standing commitment to peacekeeping there. The deteriorating situation in Gaza and the West Bank was also discussed by European Union leaders. As the House will recall, I wrote to President Costa ahead of this meeting of the European Council setting out Ireland’s deep concerns and our position on the need to examine the EU’s relationship with Israel, given its ongoing actions in both Gaza and the West Bank, and called for an urgent discussion among leaders. Importantly, at our meeting in June, European Union leaders expressed concern about the lack of progress by all actors in the implementation of the ceasefire agreement in Gaza and again called on Israel to allow immediate, unimpeded access and sustained distribution of humanitarian assistance at scale into and throughout Gaza. We also condemned Israel’s unilateral actions in aiming to expand its illegal settlements in the West Bank. These actions, among others, are posing an existential threat to the two-state solution. While these statements are important, I was clear with my colleagues that action by the European Union is required. It is therefore important that the European Council acknowledged the Commission’s intention to present options on action against illegal Israeli settlements to the Foreign Affairs Council meeting on 13 July. I called for this to include a proposal on banning trade with the settlements. I also raised this with President von der Leyen during our meeting in Cork last week and I look forward to seeing the Commission’s proposed options. While the passing of the occupied territories Bill by this House yesterday is a significant step, it has always been my view that action at EU level is also required and would be more effective, if we are to have the desired impact. Our long-standing position remains that the EU-Israel Association Agreement should be suspended, or at a minimum that the trade elements should be suspended. While we all agree that more action is needed, it is also important to acknowledge the positive role the EU is playing in supporting a viable two-state solution. The EU is the single largest donor to the Palestinian Authority and to the people of Palestine. A key focus of Ireland’s Presidency will be to reaffirm the European Union's commitment to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East based on the two-state solution. I would also like to take this opportunity to address the situation in Sudan, tragically the forgotten war. It is over three years since this terrible conflict began, causing untold suffering, with almost 14 million people displaced and the biggest humanitarian crisis facing the world today. The European Union is supporting efforts to bring this devastating conflict to an end, including through the international Sudan conference held in Berlin in April. It has called on all sides to respect international law, to protect civilians and to guarantee the unimpeded delivery of humanitarian assistance. At the Berlin conference, the EU and its member states pledged €812 million in aid. Ireland has donated nearly €16 million in 2025 and 2026 in humanitarian assistance and supports. The June European Council reviewed progress in strengthening the EU’s competitiveness and called for decisive progress on the One Europe, One Market agenda. Leaders also held a strategic debate on global macroeconomic imbalances. I have made clear my very strong support for the clear political agreement that has now been established on the need for urgent action to enhance Europe’s competitiveness and productivity. We must secure an economic future that meets the needs and expectations of Europe’s citizens, while advancing our commitment to global economic co-operation. At the informal European Council meeting in Cyprus in April, the European institutions collectively agreed a One Europe, One Market roadmap, which sets out the priority work to be undertaken over the months ahead. The roadmap includes targets for legislative proposals and agreement by the co-legislators, quarterly reviews to monitor progress and clear responsibilities for all EU institutions. With many of the files falling for implementation by the end of 2026, this comprehensive agenda provides Ireland’s Presidency programme with a very strong strategic focus. We will work to make decisive progress across the five strategic building blocks of the One Europe, One Market roadmap: promoting simplification; deepening the single market; championing fair and open trade; reducing energy prices while decarbonising our economies; and driving the digital and AI transformation. We will work closely and cooperatively with member states, the European Parliament and the Commission to make as much progress as we possibly can. Leaders have also committed to keeping up the momentum for implementation through regular stocktaking at each of our European Council meetings. I look forward to reporting to my fellow EU leaders on the progress the Irish Presidency is making on the implementation of the roadmap at our meetings in the autumn. Our goal should be nothing less than making Europe the best place in the world to start and grow a business, including through a significantly modernised digital environment and significantly strengthened research and innovation system. This will be the foundation for future prosperity that must underpin our shared values and wider political objectives. The June European Council discussed the EU's next long-term budget, also known as the multi-annual financial framework, MFF, based on the negotiation box, with figures presented by the Cyprus Presidency. Leaders called on the incoming Irish Presidency to advance work by the October European Council meeting. As we have made clear in setting out the Irish Presidency programme, the European Union's ambitious agenda for the coming years will need a budget that is appropriate to this ambition. Ireland is ready to play a key role in advancing the negotiations and presenting workable compromises for a new EU budget that is both strong and sustainable. I understand that many countries have different priorities and pressures when discussing the creation and funding of EU programmes, but we also need to collectively bridge the gap between what we expect the EU budget to deliver and the funding we are willing to provide. We remain committed to agreeing the overarching MFF package by the end of 2026. We know that this will not be easy. Difficult decisions and compromises will need to be made by all member states. The demands for expenditure are many, with a need to support long-standing priorities, such as CAP and cohesion, while also investing in our future competitiveness and economic prosperity, as well as our security. There is still much work to be done in these negotiations and the Government will make every effort during its Presidency to secure a fair and balanced outcome. The European Council had a busy agenda to work through in June, with a focus on many areas that we will be seeking to advance in the coming months during our Presidency of the European Union. I look forward to continuing our discussions in this House on these matters. A successful European Union Presidency is a strategic priority, as a stronger European Union means a stronger Ireland. This is a unique opportunity for Ireland to lead on the world stage and to copper-fasten our reputation as bridge builders, rooted in our commitment to effective multilateralism and universal democratic values. This requires a collective effort, and I know that we rely on the support of this House as we endeavour to deliver an ambitious agenda for the people of Europe over the next six months.

Ireland's Presidency of the Council of the European Union comes at an important moment, not just for Europe but for Ireland. Across Europe, people face increasing uncertainty. The war in Ukraine continues, the cost of living remains a daily struggle for many families, farmers face growing pressures and confidence in political institutions is being tested. It is at moments like this that leadership matters. Ireland has the opportunity not simply to chair the European agenda but to help shape it, and we should do so with confidence, purpose and a clear understanding of Ireland's national interests. We believe this Presidency should be guided by three priorities. First, and of immense domestic priority, we must use the Presidency to begin practical preparations for Irish unity. The European Union has made clear that in the event of reunification, the entire island of Ireland would return within the European Union. Responsible governments prepare for foreseeable constitutional change. They do not wait until the last possible moment. The Government should use Ireland's Presidency to begin structured engagement with EU partners on preparations that constitutional change in Ireland will require. As the only all-Ireland party represented in the European Parliament, in this Dáil, in the Assembly and across the island, we will continue our work with others throughout Europe to ensure that serious, responsible and detailed preparation replaces hesitation and delay. Ireland's constitutional future deserves nothing less. Our second priority is to ensure that Europe works for ordinary working people because workers, families, farmers and small business continue to struggle with the cost of housing, energy and everyday life. Ireland's Presidency should champion an agenda that protects decent jobs, supports family farms, strengthens public services, delivers genuinely affordable housing and energy and ensures that economic progress benefits working people. The European project will only command people's confidence if it delivers real, tangible improvements in their daily lives. Third, Ireland must use this Presidency to stand firmly for peace, international law and military neutrality. In that regard, the case for comprehensive sanction of Israel is now unanswerable. The fact that Israel still enjoys a privileged trading relationship through the association agreement amplifies the egregious failures of the European system and its leadership of the people of Palestine, who face not just a deteriorating situation in Gaza and the West Bank, but who are being subjected to a genocide. It is very important that is named without equivocation. The agenda at a European level now needs to move absolutely clearly and frankly to a calling to account of Israel. Nothing short of that will bring about the necessary change that is required to protect the very survival of the Palestinian people. Ireland should also use the Presidency to ensure that voices and perspectives of militarily neutral states enjoy a greater place within the European Union. This Presidency gives us the chance to show the very best of who we are, to prepare for our constitutional future and stand with workers, families and farmers, to be the voice for peace, democracy and international law and to ensure that Ireland's voice in Europe remains independent, constructive and true to the values that have long defined this nation.

To pick up on some of the international issues in the Taoiseach's speech, I will take this opportunity to once again condemn the attacks on Kyiv in recent days that resulted in the deaths of many civilians. It is a clear demonstration of the war of aggression that has been waged by Vladimir Putin and the Russian Federation. There was a vote today in relation to Aughinish Alumina and exports to Russia. We cannot have a situation where profits can flow to a country violating international law in relation to products potentially aiding the Russian war effort. The Government should not be passive bystanders. It should use its position to ensure the EU steps in and purchases the alumina. The workers of Aughinish do not make export decisions. Their jobs need to be protected and that is the reason we have supported the amendments in the European Parliament today regarding ending the exports of alumina to Russia. We welcome the fact that the European Parliament is taking an interest in this issue. However, it is hypocritical that we cannot apply the same standards or urgency to arms exports to Israel or banning trade with illegal settlements. Clearly, that needs to be escalated, particularly the issue of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. It is still the case that we are reading daily reports of civilians being killed in Gaza. Five or six people are killed every single day, including children and medical professionals. It makes a mockery of the notion that there is a ceasefire. I welcome reference to Sudan in the Taoiseach's statement. It is vitally important. While the conference earlier this year was welcome, the EU needs to do more than just provide humanitarian assistance. Ultimately, it needs to be part of a political solution and end the flow of weapons that continues uninhibited.

As we take over the EU Presidency, we have an opportunity to demonstrate the kind of leadership it should embody. The agenda rightly includes competitiveness, security and Europe's economic future. However, competitiveness cannot simply mean protecting profits and expanding markets. It must also mean protecting workers, strengthening strategic sectors and ensuring that European businesses operate to the highest ethical standards. This means legal entitlement to collective bargaining. That is why the continued exports from Aughinish Alumina to Russia remain so deeply concerning. At a time when Europe is united in imposing sanctions in response to Russia's illegal war in Ukraine, Ireland cannot afford to turn a blind eye to the commercial links that undermine that collective effort. We await the findings of the investigation from the Department of Enterprise, Tourism and Employment, but the Government must ensure there is full transparency and very decisive action, where required. For as long as this is not dealt with, it will cast a shadow over Ireland's EU Presidency. This Presidency must reflect Ireland's values of the rule of law, human rights and equality. Over the weekend in Ballina, I attended the Employment, Social Policy, Health and Consumer Affairs Council hosted by the Minister, Deputy Dara Calleary. When I was there, I also met and joined the protestors from the Mayo branch of the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign, who were peacefully demonstrating in solidarity with the people of Palestine. In particular, I commend those who organised the protest and also note that Medea Benjamin was at it. It put across a powerful, peaceful message to all of those participating in the EU Presidency here that Ireland stands with Palestine, in particular, in relation to what needs to be done regarding the EU-Israel Association Agreement.

I raise the issue of Cuba with the Aire Stáit. The lives of the Cuban people have been devastated by the US blockade, coupled with two executive orders. The impact is incalculable. It has meant that fuel and essential goods are just not flowing into Cuba. The infant mortality rate among vulnerable newborns has now increased to 9.9% due to the fuel sanctions and electricity outages. While some hospitals have generators, it is impossible to gauge when the electricity is going to be switched off. It takes time to get the generators restarted, so all that staff can do is rush to the wards and manually fan the infants when this happens, which is daily, until the generators kick in. Some 1,800 children have died as a consequence of the tightening of the blockade, as well as the extra 343 sanctions Trump imposed at the beginning of his first term as President. The survival of children with cancer has decreased by 20% and the national immunisation programme, one of the main achievements of Cuban public health which protects millions of Cuban children, is seriously at risk, hindered by the unavailability of raw materials, equipment and financial resources to sustain domestic vaccine production. The blockade is severely hindering the domestic production of several disease diagnostic tools developed by national industry, including essential tests for the early detection of cancer. Logistical and payment difficulties in purchasing wheat have resulted in only 50% of flour being delivered to the regions, and the weight of bread, which is normally 80 g, has to be reduced to 60 g. I am saying this because we all know how terrible it is in Cuba at the moment. What we need now is a collective ability to stand up and do something for the Cuban people. This is literally killing their babies and we cannot let it continue.

I welcome the opportunity to again make statements post European Council. I wanted to pick up on one of the parts of our Presidency that have been outlined. The three priorities being talked about are security, values and competitiveness. I wonder why "values" is in there. For me, "values" is a separate pillar from priorities, if the Minister of State sees what I mean. Why is peace not a priority? The Government is framing it as "security". I was interested, during the launch of the Presidency, that the Minister of State's colleague, the Tánaiste, dedicated a substantial part of his speech to peace, which I really appreciated. Unfortunately, that was not the case with the Taoiseach's contribution, which barely mentioned peace. For me, this is crucial right now because the European Union was founded as a peace project and we are losing our way. We are spending more and more on the military, we are framing things as "security" and we are not focused on peace, which we do not mention it enough. If it had been mine choice, peace would have been one of those three pillars. Under "values", we have to make sure that peace remains high up there as a value. Unfortunately, it seems to be slipping from people's discourse again and again. Those priorities regarding our European values ring hollow when we refused to ban services in the occupied territories Bill yesterday, when the Taoiseach's party colleagues in the European Parliament are sitting on the fence on the sale of alumina to Russia and when this State refused to stand up for the rights of European citizens to be protected from harms caused by big business with regard to both environmental and online harms. The way this Government blames the EU for domestic refusal to take action on Gaza, saying it has to be done at European level to be effective, is a sentiment that is problematic for me. This should be a time when we are showcasing and fighting for a European Union that takes positive action, and one which defends democracy. As for the current budgetary changes, for example, the reduction in social cohesion funding and the lowering of standards, all of that feeds authoritarianism within Europe and boosts the far right, which is such a growing and powerful force across Europe. We need to be careful and aware and we need to bring this into our language. On defence spending, it is deeply concerning that in his opening comments, the Taoiseach highlighted the advancement of European military assistance as a key point for the Irish Presidency. Military aid should not be under the remit of the EU. This should be a matter for member states and, as a militarily neutral country, we should have no part in providing weapons, either directly or through the EU. Moving to Aughinish Alumina and the urgency of action required on that, I welcome that the European Parliament voted today in support of a motion to ban alumina sales to Russia. I welcome that the Minister of State's grouping, the European People's Party, EPP, backed the motion. It is disappointing that Fianna Fáil MEPs indicated they would abstain on this motion and, unfortunately, it is also being reported today by the thejournal.ie that Independent Ireland voted against those sanctions. All of that needs to be examined and called out. When it comes to doing the right thing and protecting jobs, the Government needs to be decisive and proactive. We cannot feed Russia's war machine and if we want to protect people's jobs, our Government needs to accept that fact and plan for it, not simply allow complicity. That is true of Ukraine and it is true also of Palestine. The principles and standards of international law and our values and policies should not be available to pick and choose when it suits us. On the online harms I mentioned and our responsibility as member states to protect against them, I looked at the Council website and there are announcements around the protection of girls and women online. There was also an announcement on child sexual abuse material. Meanwhile, the digital omnibus has been agreed, which essentially guts the artificial intelligence, AI, Act from within. The Minister of State's party's grouping in the European Parliament supported and championed that. We have opened up a window, through the passage of the digital omnibus, whereby high-risk systems will be allowed to be registered before we have the governance framework in place to respond to it. In regard to all of the issues we have seen this year around Grok and online harms that people are talking about on daily in these Houses, we are not putting our money where our mouth is when it comes to a European regulatory framework. Instead, the Government and its colleagues in Europe are pushing for the simplification agenda and harmonisation and always thinking about it from an industry lens, while failing to capture the bigger harms that are being wrought on society by the tech industry and the big players in these platforms. We need to get back to those values and make sure that peace and the needs of our consumers and citizens are foregrounded.

I will focus on the competitiveness element of the European Council and Ireland's Presidency of the Council of the European Union because this may become one of the most important parts of our Presidency. Europe is at a crossroads. We face an uncertain geopolitical environment, slower growth, pressure on households and businesses and a technological transformation that is moving faster than our institutions are used to and what they have been built to do. In that context, competitiveness is not just an economic issue; it is about Europe's security, resilience and ability to shape its own future. Two reports have helped frame this debate. Enrico Letta's report asked Europe to complete and deepen the Single Market, particularly in areas such as capital, energy, digital infrastructure and telecommunications. Mario Draghi's report is even more direct. It tells us that Europe is falling behind on productivity, innovation and scale and we need to act with far greater urgency. Ireland should use its Presidency not just to manage that agenda but to help shape it. Indeed, the Taoiseach has mentioned the focus on the one Europe, one market agenda. Artificial intelligence is a good example of the opportunity and the challenge. AI can support healthcare, education, research, public services and small businesses. It can help improve productivity and help Europe compete but we have to be honest as well. It raises serious questions about jobs, creative work, journalism, young people, copyright, democracy and the energy required to power these systems. Europe's task is not simply to embrace AI blindly; it is to shape AI in a way that serves its citizens in their best interests. That means investing in skills, digital literacy, worker protection and innovation. It means ensuring that creative workers, journalists, young people and ordinary citizens are not left behind. It is also means recognising that AI is now an energy issue. Data centres and AI infrastructure require significant electricity. We cannot allow the digital transformation of Europe to come at the cost of higher bills for households or less capacity for communities. Affordable, clean and reliable energy must be treated as central to European competitiveness. If Europe wants to lead on AI, advanced manufacturing and innovation, as outlined in the Draghi report, then energy policy is linked with industrial policy. Europe needs to think more seriously and strategically about sovereign AI capability. That does not mean trying to build an EU version of every major American or Chinese model. That is simply not realistic or within our means. However, Europe should not be wholly dependent on models built, controlled and governed elsewhere. As we have seen with Anthropic, such models can be switched off at the drop of a hat. There is a strong case for Europe to work with trusted, democratic partners, such as the United Kingdom, Canada and Australia, to develop AI systems that reflect our values. While these models may not compete with the newest frontier models from the United States or China, they could deliver the majority of the AI benefits to European citizens, businesses and public services. A trusted European AI capability could support SMEs, public administration, translation across European languages, healthcare, education, research and democratic resilience. It does not need to be the biggest model in the world to be useful. It just needs to be secure, trustworthy, affordable and, most importantly, aligned with our values in the European Union. Digital sovereignty should not mean isolation, however. It should mean choice. While Europe does not need to build every AI model, it should not find itself, as it has in the past, in the position where it cannot choose, or is dependent on, systems not under its control or remit. That is where the Letta and Draghi reports come together. The Letta report tells us that Europe must remove the barriers that stop businesses and ideas from scaling across the Single Market. The Draghi report tells us that Europe must invest, innovate and act with far greater urgency. AI, energy and innovation sit right at the centre of both reports. I will mention enlargement and the accession of Ukraine and Moldova to the European Union. This issue is not entirely separate from the debate around Europe’s future; it is actually part of it. As we are all aware, Ukraine is defending not only its sovereignty but the security and democratic values of our Continent against Russia. Moldova has shown real courage and commitment on its European path. Of course, its future membership will be contingent on a merit-based process and the required reforms being implemented. Its accession would strengthen Europe strategically and politically. Ireland has always understood that the European Union is more than a market; it is a community of values. However, if those values are to endure, Europe must be strong, innovative and competitive. During our Presidency, Ireland has an opportunity to help make the case for a Europe that, in Enrico Letta's lines, completes the Single Market and, in Mario Draghi's lines, invests in innovation. Ireland should make the case for a Europe that leads in human and value-centred AI and in our overall values, and one that delivers affordable and clean energy and remains open to those who share our democratic future and values. That is the type of competitiveness agenda Ireland should champion. I see that a lot of it is being championed already with the One Europe, One Market roadmap. It should not be a race to the bottom, particularly when it comes to artificial intelligence. Rather, we should build a stronger, fairer and more confident Europe where our values always ring true.

I raise first the situation faced by the people of Cuba, an island that has been under an illegal blockade for many decades. It is a blockade that the world, through the United Nations, has condemned year on year. Despite the blockade and siege by the world's superpower - its nearest neighbour - Cuba has shown the way regionally in terms of health outcomes for its people. That progress on health is under attack, however. We are seeing a slow war of attrition against healthcare, nutrition and civilians by the United States through the ongoing blockade and the escalation of same. Ireland and the European Union need to make a humanitarian intervention in this regard. They also need to make a political intervention to get a resolution on this, both through the United Nations and bilaterally with the United States. I raise the issue of a young 22-year-old man from County Waterford, Rory Byrne. He was arrested and detained in Croatia over the weekend. I have written to the Minister for foreign affairs, Deputy McEntee, about this but I wish to raise it in the Chamber with the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond. I will share the details when I finish speaking. He was arrested following a fracas at a festival with a number of other young men. He has type-1 diabetes and is very unwell. Consular officials were told by prison authorities that he has refused consular assistance, but his family contests that. He has not been able to access medical help, consular assistance or legal advice. Obviously, there is a language barrier there as well. I ask the Department, the Minister of State and his colleague, the Minister, Deputy McEntee, to urgently intervene to ensure that Rory's rights are upheld and that he can access medical intervention, particularly a transfer to a hospital facility given that he has been without insulin for a number of days. Later this month, as part of Ireland's Presidency of the European Union, the AGRIFISH Council meeting will take place in Cork. This gives the Irish Government an opportunity to set the agenda and push for the long-overdue reform of the Common Fisheries Policy. It also allows Ireland to set the stage for the negotiations that will take place later this year on fish quotas and avoid the shameful outcome of the AGRIFISH Council's meeting in December last year when Ireland, the Irish fishing industry and coastal communities were subjected to a calculated ambush by some of our European partners and fellow member states. We now have a situation where Belgium, with a coastline of some 70 km, enjoys more fishing quota than this entire State for a number of species that are found off our southern shores, in Irish waters. I ask the Minister of State to relay those points to his colleagues in Government so that they will be actioned in the AGRISIFH meeting in Cork this month.

I will start with a comparison. There is perhaps no clearer illustration of the value of European membership than the experience of our nearest neighbour, as mentioned by the Taoiseach in a different speech yesterday. A decade has passed since Brexit. Of course, that decision was for the British people, and we respect their democratic choice. It is equally important, however, to recognise the lessons that have been learned. The warnings of economic disruption, barriers to trade and increased costs were dismissed by some during that campaign. Today, however, many of those concerns have become a reality. Businesses face additional burdens and trade has become more complex. Some British SMEs no longer export to the EU. Investment has been affected and opinion polling suggests that the British public consider it to have been the wrong decision. By contrast, Ireland has chosen a different path. We remain fully committed to our place at the heart of Europe. We worked constructively with our European partners through the challenges of Brexit. Together, we protected the Good Friday Agreement, safeguarded the integrity of the Single Market and defended Ireland's national interests. Our economy has continued to grow and employment has reached record levels. Ireland remains one of Europe's leading destinations for international investment. Our exporters continue to enjoy frictionless access to the Single Market, which comprises hundreds of millions of consumers. Rather than being diminished by standing apart, our voice carries greater weight because it is amplified through co-operation in the EU. That is vital in a multipolar world. This is not about celebrating another country's difficulties or reopening old debates. The UK is one of Ireland's closest friends. Our relationship is deep, historic and enduring and we want it to flourish. Nonetheless, it is entirely appropriate to recognise that Ireland's decision to remain fully engaged in the European project has strengthened our economy, enhanced our influence and secured greater opportunities for our people. This month, we assume the Presidency of the Council of Europe at a defining moment, both for Europe and our country. It is an opportunity to demonstrate leadership, build consensus and advance the interests of Ireland and all Europeans. I welcome the vote in the European Parliament banning Aughinish Alumina sales to Russia, albeit it was a non-binding vote. Any party that voted against that ban should be condemned. It is a shocker. Our Presidency will be guided by the three clear priorities, namely, competitiveness, security and shared European values. Competitiveness means ensuring that Europe remains in a place where businesses can innovate, workers can prosper and investment can create opportunity in every region. Ireland knows better than most that access to the Single Market has transformed our economy. It has helped create jobs, attract investment and provide opportunities for generations of Irish people. Our task now is to ensure Europe remains competitive in an increasingly global economy while reducing unnecessary bureaucracy and supporting innovation. The Savings and Investment Union, the 28th regime, has huge potential to boost competitiveness. That is all from the Draghi report mentioned by Deputy Ó Cearúil. I hope the Government is going to vigorously pursue these proposals during our Presidency while also protecting workers' rights. Security has taken on a new meaning in recent years. It means supporting peace and stability across our Continent, standing with Ukraine as long as it defends its sovereignty, and strengthening Europe’s resilience against threats to our energy supply, critical infrastructure and democratic institutions. Ireland will play its part, consistent with our values and long-standing commitment to peace and international co-operation. That is why we must continue to put pressure on Israel to stop its destruction of Palestine. A third priority is democracy, rule of law and respect for human dignity. These are not simply aspirations but the foundations on which Europe was built. They have delivered peace across a Continent that tore itself apart for thousands of years. That is why EU enlargement is crucial. In a world full of conflict and uncertainty, we must develop our own defence capabilities. As we begin this Presidency, let us approach it with confidence, champion policies which strengthen Europe’s competitiveness, protect its security and uphold its values. Let us continue to show that a small nation like Ireland can provide meaningful leadership through partnership and co-operation. Ireland has always achieved more by building bridges rather than building barriers. I believe the Minister of State has a similar outlook to me on this. That is the spirit we should bring to our Presidency. That is the future we want to shape for Europe.

It is now clear that as a result of the climate crisis, we are entering an era of more extreme weather in every sense. Summers are growing relentlessly hotter followed by winters of torrential rain. Earlier this year, we saw first hand the devastating damage from floods across Carlow and Kilkenny. In response to the extreme weather, the EU moved to provide emergency support for farmers who suffered significant damage from adverse climate conditions - €56 million in aid in total. Portugal, due to crop damage from heavy rainfall, is to receive €30 million, Romania and Cyprus are set to receive almost €20 million, and the list goes on. Which country is not on that list? Ireland. Not a single cent of this funding will make its way to our farmers. Last week, I met a man who lost his entire crop of potatoes due to floods. He suffered losses of well over €500,000. He is crippled with debt and struggling in every sense of the word. It was heartbreaking to hear about the ordeal he has been through. To try to make sense of it, and to secure some supports from the State, farmers like this man provide food security but since the flooding, he has been unable to farm, denying us significant yields from prime land. When farmers like him who feed the nation fall on hard times through no fault of their own, the Government fails to stand with them. Worse still, the Government has failed even to apply for EU funding that could have changed this man's life. It begs the question: how many other funding opportunities for our farmers has this Government simply not bothered to pursue? Earlier this year the European Commission announced that Brazilian beef would be removed from the EU food safe list due to high public health risk. Yet rather than act decisively in the interests of public health, the Commission gave Brazil until September to get its house in order. It is now clear it has not done that and is never going to do that. Instead, it has chosen to export beef to Ireland and the EU at volumes we have never seen before. Throughout 2025, 172,000 tonnes Brazilian beef were imported into Ireland. In the first three months of 2026, that figure has already reached 229,000 tonnes, flooding Irish shops and restaurants with a product that is being banned because it risks public health. What was the logic in allowing this beef to continue to be imported into the country up to September? Was it simply a case of profit over public health? If this beef causes health problems, the potential damage to individuals and the State is absolutely enormous.

The Government likes to tell us it does not have our neutrality in its crosshairs. It tells us it is planning to drop the triple lock so that a future government or this Government could send troops outside of the framework of international law on NATO missions to invade countries in the Middle East or elsewhere. However, we should not worry; neutrality is not under threat. It tells us it wants to triple our military expenditure but we should not worry, neutrality is not under threat. It participates in the Ukraine Defense Contact Group, described as a NATO alliance by the US Secretary of Defence. We have now attended 30 of these meetings, which take place either online or in NATO headquarters, either in Brussels or the air command in Germany. It engages in training Ukrainian troops involved in a war against an imperialist invader-----

It removes landmines for children.

It does not. The Minister of State is misleading the Dáil. For the record, the Minister of State said this group removes landmines. It does not.

It trains people to remove landmines.

It does not just train people to remove landmines. That was the propaganda put out at the time but if the Minister of State read into the detail, he would know that is not what it stated. He will be able to go and check it later. The Government attempted - it appears the armoured vehicles were too rusty and perhaps would have presented a threat to the poor Ukrainian conscripts - to offload armoured vehicles which were armed with grenade launchers or machine guns. It still tried to pass that off as being non-lethal military aid. However, we should not worry; neutrality is not under threat. As part of the national maritime security strategy, the Government participates in the Joint Expeditionary Force - an alliance made-up of ten NATO members and led by Britain. However, we should not worry; neutrality is not under threat. If anybody believed this guff, they should go and pay some attention to what the Government is openly saying are its priorities for the European Presidency. Ireland is President of the European Council for the next six months and it has three priorities; values, competitiveness, and security. We are supposedly neutral State, saying that one of our three priorities is security. What does that mean in detail? I quote: "The Irish Presidency will advance work on the measures set out in the White Paper on the future of European defence and the associated defence-readiness roadmap 2030 and on defence procurement." The Government is saying openly it is going to advance the White Paper on the future of European defence and the defence-readiness roadmap. What does the White Paper for European defence say? Section 8, enhanced security through partnerships, states: NATO remains the cornerstone of collective defence of its members in Europe. EU-NATO co-operation is an indispensable pillar for the development of the EU security and defence dimension. The EUs unique tools of regulatory power and financial instruments help the 23 EU Member States in NATO to achieve their capability targets. Explicitly, a Government that says it is never going to go near NATO or anything like that is now saying a priority is to uphold this indispensable pillar of EU-NATO co-operation. Section 7 looks for a surge in defence spending. That is what is promised and what is in reality already under way via: a new dedicated financial instrument to support member states' defence investments. The Irish State has said it is going to sign up to this Security Action For Europe, SAFE, project and borrow money in order to invest money in the military; the co-ordinated activation of the national escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact. The fiscal rules are not going to apply to military expenditure. We are falling deeper and deeper into a housing crisis that is not only in Ireland but across Europe. We have never suspended fiscal rules for the housing crisis but they are getting suspended for militarisation; making existing EU instruments more flexible to allow greater defence investment; contributions for the European Investment Bank; mobilising private capital; and financial predictability. If we read the associated defence-readiness roadmap 2030, it is the same stuff. Europe has turned the corner on decades of underinvestment in defence. Member States increased defence budgets from €218 billion in 2021, to €343 billion in 2024. This is all explicitly, positively referenced in the programme of the Irish Presidency. A neutral State is saying this is great and is driving the further militarisation of Europe. It is driving greater spending on weapons in Europe and it thinks that is a good thing. Mark Rutte, the NATO chief, said spending more on defence means spending less on other priorities. That is the mantra of political establishments across Europe. You will not get investment in housing or transport and you can forget about action on climate because they will spend more on weapons that do not make ordinary people any safer but make armaments companies a lot richer.

In 2008, the then Minister Phil Hogan announced a local government fund allocation in budget 2009 of €1.6 billion. In budget 2026, €670 million was allocated to the same fund. That is almost €1 billion less. Has the Minister of State, Deputy Richmond, considered asking the European Union how member states fund local authorities and how European local authorities have more democracy and autonomy and are not in constant crisis? Local authorities around this State are in crisis at the moment for funding because of cuts to the block grant. How can they be getting it right in European countries and the Government is making a bags of it here? In Dublin, we have seen increases in rents, rates and local property tax. It will be coming to Cork and to every local authority. Local authorities are using funding collected in rents for parks, playgrounds and footpaths because they are not getting the support of this Government and have not been since the financial crash. I have a situation today where a man will be coming home from hospital after major heart surgery. When his family checked his house last week to get it ready for him to come home, a broken pipe had flooded the house. Cork City Council officials told the family they do not have the staff to get the house ready. They have to dump the carpets and floors. There is a smell of damp and mould in the house now. That man is after having open-heart surgery and he is going home to that because the Government will not fund local authorities. I will give the Minister of State one last figure. Last year, local authorities had a combined deficit of €470,000. Local authorities are not allowed to run a deficit, so that tells the Minister of State the level of cuts and slashes there has been to services. This Government has to step up and look at a European model of funding and investment and at democracy for local authorities. In 1990, as part of German reunification, 18 members of the East German Parliament attended the EU Parliament as non-voting observers. I speak to young people today and they want to see a united Ireland. They want a new vision. I spoke to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael TDs in the Dáil last week who told me they would support the vote tonight on Sinn Féin's Bill, which will bring about the beginning of dialogue, debate and consultation around a united Ireland. Instead, the Taoiseach has come out and blocked it, and he will be whipping every Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael TD to oppose our Bill tonight. It is unbelievable. The party that calls itself the republican party will vote against a discussion on Irish unity. What is even worse is that Fine Gael members, who have a plan, to be fair to them, will be whipped into line tonight. Fine Gael members believe their party is descended from Michael Collins. What would Michael Collins think when they come in tonight to vote against a discussion on Irish unity? One man, Micheál Martin, is blocking the way. It is an absolute disgrace that he will whip this Government into line because of his own prejudice. Shame on him.

Deputy Gould is correct. I am not one bit impressed, and the other Michael Collins would not be either. While the discussions at the General Affairs Council were not directly about the Common Agricultural Policy or the Common Fisheries Policy, they were about something just as important, the money that will be available for both from 2028 onwards. Farmers and fishing families across rural Ireland are deeply concerned that new EU priorities such as defence, migration, AI and competitiveness could end up being funded at the expense of traditional programmes that support rural and coastal communities. For many farm families, CAP payments are the difference between staying in business and walking away from the land. Likewise for our fishing communities, funding through the European Maritime, Fisheries and Aquaculture Fund, EMFAF, is essential for harbour infrastructure, fleet development, seafood processing and sustaining jobs in coastal areas. With Ireland set to play a key role in these negotiations, will the Minister of State give a clear commitment that the Government will oppose any reductions in CAP funding and will fight to protect fisheries funding? Does the Government support ring-fencing these funds so they cannot be diluted or absorbed into broader national spending priorities? Our farmers, fishers and rural communities need reassurance that they will not be asked to pay for new EU spending priorities. There is a rumour out there that in CAP negotiations the full-time farmer and the part-time farmer will be separated. The man or woman who has to go out to work every day to make a living and to keep the farm going could be degraded. Independent Ireland will fight that tooth and bloody nail if it is the case. It is time to stand up and make clear that a part-time farmer will be respected the very same as a full-time farmer. Every farmer wants to stay at home and work if they can, whether man or woman, but they are left with no choice. In relation to piers and funding, we need to find out. I have been down in Union Hall looking for funding for the past ten years. Every Minister and Taoiseach has arrived down there to promise them funding for the pier and they have never got a brown cent.

I will try to stick to the subject as much as possible. Europe has achieved a great deal through co-operation, helping to promote peace, expand trade and tackle the challenges that no country can solve alone. We owe a great deal to Europe when it comes to that, but the co-operation works best when respect for the independence of democracy is put above the member state. Most European citizens, and certainly a lot of Irish citizens, see a tremendous disconnect between Europe and themselves. People see European legislation or policy introduced in this House. We put the belt and braces on it and gold-plate and stamp it. People feel Europe is not helping them any more and is, in fact, hindering them when it comes to a number of policies introduced through Europe. For instance, we are the only region in the world that punishes its own citizens for problems created in the United States, China and Vietnam, and that is pollution. Carbon tax was introduced to this country via Europe was legislated for here. We are the only place punishing citizens, who cannot really do anything about it. We have to face the facts. China and America are the biggest polluters. They have walked away from the table. The old phrase is America innovates, the East replicates and Europe legislates. We have to get away from that and back to what Europe was about. It was about making life better for European citizens. We have the Presidency and the opportunity to fix that and change things in Europe.

I want to be clear from the outset that I support the right of Ukraine and Moldova to develop, prosper and integrate, but I have serious concerns about this Government's Presidency. The Taoiseach is on record as stating that Ukraine belongs in the EU. As we take up the Presidency, it is the Government's stated ambition to make historic progress on the accession of Ukraine and Moldova. I condemn Russia's actions in relation to the war in Ukraine. Precisely because I condemn them and believe in peace, I believe we should be cautious about fast-tracking the accession of Ukraine and Moldova into the European Union. The timing is critical. Ukraine is at war. Many decades ago, during the Cuban missile crisis, it was unthinkable to the US and its allies to have missiles belonging to the USSR in Cuba. It is a similar context for Russia. It is hypervigilant - paranoid, even - about western states encroaching on its borders. That needs to be considered but the Government has not considered it. The European people have never been consulted on this massive change to the European Union.

We will move on to questions and answers for 20 minutes, starting with Sinn Féin.

I will ask two questions and the Minister of State can take them together. While we are not saying it needs to be the number one priority, a couple of Deputies have mentioned the opportunity for the Presidency to be a vehicle to discuss Irish unity and how the EU can be a part of that. The slogan of the Presidency is "strength through unity", ní neart go cur le chéile. If any unity is a priority for us as a political party and for many other Deputies, it is that unity. There is an opportunity. In relation to Aughinish Alumina, there is a solution here that ensures we end the flow of alumina to the Russian war effort and protect the jobs. In the negotiations and engagements the Minister of State and Irish officials have had at the European Council, what is on the table? Some leaked reports have talked about nationalisation. There is also scope for a purchase scheme by which the Irish Government or the European Commission would purchase the alumina and sell it to new buyers that are not part of the Russian war effort. Are discussions happening at European level, either at the Council or otherwise?

We have all had discussions in this Chamber about the genocidal action of Israel with the backing of the United States and the absolute madness of where we have found ourselves. It is particularly painful for those in Lebanon and Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank. When we do have the Presidency, it is a means of moving on as much as we can in respect of the EU-Israel Association Agreement and, if we can, getting movement. I have heard from the Minister of State, the Minister, Deputy McEntee, and the Taoiseach and Tánaiste about that. It is a matter of us seeing progress, ensuring that we can deal with the trade element. The occupied territories Bill is as it is. We would much prefer if it covered services, but we have to use the absolute maximum that we have as regards leverage on Israel. We must follow what Mary Manning and those very brave women did when, as Dunnes Stores workers, they decided not to handle South African goods. I have said this before. It was a very small act in one way but it turned out to be part of a much bigger boycott project, which became a major part of the anti-apartheid struggle. Sometimes you have to take a first step yourself. We will only see movement when we, alongside others, force the issue, and when the regular Israeli is made to feel like a pariah, when the American allies feel that there is too much heat even for them, and when capital interests in Israel feel they are not able to trade as they were previously. It is unfortunate that this is the road the world has to go down but we have been witnessing a brutal, genocidal action. We have seen that Benjamin Netanyahu is absolutely committed to ensuring there is no two-state solution. We have to stand by the Palestinians in the way we can. I echo what a number of my colleagues have said. It has been a disappointing week for us as regards what we saw as very sensible initial moves on preparation for Irish unity. I do believe the framework within Europe provides us with a facility to deliver this. There is an absolute need for us to engage with European partners on the supports that will be available from Europe if a united Ireland is to happen. I have no doubt that if Irish unity is to happen, it is in Europe's interests that it is as seamless as possible.

Deputy Gould is waiting to come in.

I have no doubt the Minister of State himself is disappointed by the move that has been taken by the Government and particularly by the Taoiseach. The Tánaiste seemed more open to a dialogue across the House on coming up with a solution for making those preparations, which are absolutely necessary. We are only talking about starting a journey, which should have started a long time ago, to deliver on Irish unity.

An issue that has rightly got a lot of coverage over the last few months is the disease called Friedreich's ataxia. There is a drug out there called Skyclarys. Citizens of a number of European countries are able to access that medicine. We have come here and families have come here and spoken about it. I appeal to the Minister of State. I know a meeting is to take place this month. I have been dealing with Craig Coady in relation to his son Paudie, who is dying. They lost another son to the same illness. It is an horrendous situation. Is there any way possible? I have pleaded with the Taoiseach and the Minister for Health on humanitarian grounds, under exceptional circumstances, because Paudie's position is so vulnerable now. This will not save his life but it will extend it and give him a better quality of life. How can it happen in other European countries but not here? There are great things being done in Europe, and then we look at this. People are talking about the disconnect with Europe. I appeal to the Minister of State on that. Deputy Ó Murchú touched on my next point. We want to have the conversation about preparing for Irish unity now because Europe could play a really important part in supporting it, coming up with solutions and funding as part of it. There is an open door in Europe when it comes to Irish unity and peace in this island. If we are going to convince people in the Six Counties - unionists, loyalists and others - that a united Ireland would be better for them, we should have the conversation in Europe now and show them that this is what Europe will bring to the table. One of the questions that really affected the Scottish referendum was what the currency would be. It was a huge issue in the last week of the debate. That is what we need to be able to talk about now. I assume it will be the euro, but that is not for me to assume. It is part of the debate, and that is why we need Europe at the heart of this conversation. I cannot say this often enough. Every night on social media we see the genocide that is taking place in Gaza and the West Bank, how people are being driven from their homes and their land stolen. There are nearly 1 million settlers now in the West Bank. Where is Europe? It is a mark of shame on the European Union that it is standing idly by while genocide is being committed. At the same time, it is allowing weapons to be shipped to Israel and bonds to be sold in Europe. The EU at this moment is complicit in genocide for not stopping, or doing everything it can to prevent, the genocide.

I mentioned in my earlier remarks this drift that I see the European Union has taken away from its origins as a peace project towards a defence union. There are multiple milestones - I will not revisit them all - such as appointing a defence Commissioner who openly talks about a European defence union. I really was surprised to hear the Taoiseach describe this as a priority for Ireland's holding of the Presidency, with the disbursement of EU military assistance and the facilitating of the integration of Ukraine into the European defence industrial base. That really is a departure from any kind of policy of military neutrality that we hold as a nation. I appreciate that the Minister of State personally does not support that policy of military neutrality but that, as a member of the Government, he does. How is that compatible? How and why are we prioritising such a defence-based mechanism and defence-based priority that threatens our own military neutrality? Many of us on the Opposition benches struggled with that package of aid because it could not be divided into non-lethal military aid versus arms. This is questionable and undermines our policy of military neutrality. It is something that I would like to hear more on. My second question relates to Aughinish Alumina. There were sanctions voted on today. While I appreciate and acknowledged earlier that the Minister of State's grouping voted in support of those sanctions, we are going to need to hear as a Chamber about why on earth his coalition colleague partners - I know he cannot answer but he has to answer as a Government - abstained from that vote.

I thank all the Deputies for their contributions to this important regular debate, particularly those who have placed very pertinent questions that I will try to answer as thoroughly possible in the time available to me. I will start with the issue of Irish unity and how Europe relates to that as raised in questions by Deputies Ó Laoghaire, Ó Murchú and Gould and, indeed, in their party leader's opening intervention. One thing that is important when we talk about the constitutional future of our nation is how Europe fits into that. Referred to by their party leader, but without much detail, was the agreement by the European Council, which was the first European Council subsequent to the fateful Brexit referendum that Deputy O'Donoghue spoke about in some detail. The fact is it was former Taoiseach, Enda Kenny, who secured the absolute acceptance from the European Council that when or if - I hope it is when - our nation is reunited, it will automatically be a united state within the European Union. There is no question there. That is quite simple. If we go on the journey, the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland calls a border poll and we have ratification of a united Ireland North and South, that will be an Ireland part of the European Union. That is it. That is the first and most important thing. That is a case that is raised repeatedly with me by people from the North who say, "We did not vote for Brexit. We certainly did not vote to lose our European citizenship". Thankfully, most of them have Irish passports and they are able to retain their European citizenship, but they are no longer in the EU jurisdiction. That is the first and last discussion when it comes to Europe. There were a couple of subsequent things raised by Deputy Gould that are worth reflecting on. We talk about European funding. Europe is not going to pay for unity. We have to be quite clear about the status of the economy at this point, for example, of the Republic. At this stage, we are a net contributor to the European Union. Even based on the current economic forecasts and the status of the North in terms of employment, we would still be a net contributor as a united Ireland. That is a mark of something we should be proud of. We spent so long - decades - receiving huge amounts of structural and cohesion funding because when we joined the European Economic Community we were, in many arguments, what was then known as a Third World country. We are not like that, certainly not in this jurisdiction. When we take any European mapping pre-Brexit and post Brexit, the part of this island that is, perhaps, in need of the biggest focus of co-ordinated support would be the Border region. Deputy Ó Murchú has raised this very eloquently. That is why it is about the importance of retaining programmes, such as PEACEPLUS, which celebrated its thirtieth anniversary in Iveagh House ten days ago, receiving over €1 billion in European funding to drive projects North and South that deliver real levels of community building, reconciliation and some sort of move away from the societal and economic harm that years of conflict led to on this island. I take the point made more widely. Regarding the Scottish referendum, the two issues that really focused that was what Scotland's status would be. We saw the former President of the European Commission, José Barroso, pour cold water in that there was no guarantee that Scotland would automatically be part of the European Union. They could not decide among themselves in the "Yes" campaign whether they would have a new form of sterling or a currency pegged to sterling or adopt the euro. That is not an issue for us. We join the European Union and we join the euro. It is simple as. The Deputy said that is not an issue for us to decide, but they are the rules and those are the rules that are in our interests as well as our responsibility. Moving more broadly into the areas raised by Deputes Ó Laoghaire and Gibney into Aughinish Alumina relating to the status quo and where we are, I recognise the vote in the European Parliament. It was not just Fine Gael's political grouping. It was all four of our MEPs who voted in that direction. Again, I cannot speak for my coalition partners but I will invite them to, perhaps, take the Deputy up on her kind offer. Regarding the status quo from a Government point of view, we have a twentieth sanctions package. We have supported every single one of the sanction packages where alumina is not listed. We are moving towards a twenty-first package. It must be noted that the independent accreditation audit, for want of a better word, by former Secretary-General of the European Commission, David O'Sullivan, has consistently stated that Ireland is one of the top countries for implementing the sanctions. Alumina is not a sanctioned material. That is simply a statement of fact. It may be in a twenty-first package of negotiations. More pertinently to the Deputy's questions, very real charges have been placed in The Irish Times and by other investigative journalists stating that the amounts of alumina being produced from Aughinish are going indirectly to the Russian war machine. If that is the case, it is completely unacceptable. There is currently a Government investigation being led by the Department of Enterprise, Tourism and Employment. Deputy Ó Laoghaire asked about what sort of conversations are happening with the Commission. Any sort of investigation requires a member state government to maintain regular contact with the Commission in terms of the status of the investigation. This is not a straightforward investigation. We have already seen the reporting that the CSO figures have been withdrawn and there are complications there. We see months of investigative journalists' work leading to, perhaps, areas of the supply chain. When the investigation is produced, the Government is open to all suggestions and working with the European Commission to a future, bearing in mind the very real economic impact and the importance of jobs in the region, but also our very clear obligations to ensure that we have no complicity in the Russian war machine and its campaign of terror on the Ukrainian people. To go back to Deputy Gould's points in relation to the Coady family and access to medicines, it is a harrowing case. My heart goes out to the entire family. Of course, we know that when medicines go to the European Medicines Agency, they then have to be verified on a domestic level as well. Part of the subsidiarity mechanism is making sure that it is fit for purpose, such as a medicine or treatment that may be in available in other EU members states that is not yet perhaps available here in Ireland. We have all heard about and had constituents who had to travel to the Netherlands or Germany to receive treatments, for example, with new cancer drugs or whatever may be the case. However, as that is of little comfort to the Coady family, what I can commit to is that I will engage directly with the Minister, Deputy Carroll MacNeill, and see through her offices what the status is with the domestic regulation and implementation of this drug, bearing in mind the need to do this as quickly as possible given the situation facing the Coady family.

Sorry. Can the Minister of State also look at if it is passed in Europe, that it is in each individual country then? It is the bureaucracy, red tape and time. It is not about this specific drug. I ask the Minister of State to look at it from a European point of view-----

It is the same with every medicine, treatment or equipment used in medical advice. It gets approved on a European basis and then has to be approved. It is just like when we pass legislation at a European level, it has to be transposed into domestic legislation. I take the Deputy's point, however, that it is not quick enough. When other member states are doing it quicker than us, that is something we need to reflect on. It goes to the point more broadly of competitiveness and the interests of the competitiveness agenda in delivering for citizens. I wish to close on two points in my very brief time. I apologise; I do not perhaps have as much time as I would like to go into them. In relation to the situation in Gaza, the genocide and Ireland's approach at a European level, we were the first member state, along with Spain, to ask for the EU-Israel Association Agreement to be reopened. It is our position that the trade element should be suspended in its entirety. I recall the first time it was brought up only three member states backed us. In May, I attended a European Council meeting where we got that to 19 member states. A sanctions package was produced last September. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, has this on the agenda for the Foreign Affairs Council meeting next week and will continue to push this vigorously as we engage, which was discussed in our debate more broadly yesterday evening. On Deputy Gibney's point on values from her opening iteration and how that reflects her subsequent question, peace is the top value. Peace is a value. Peace defines European values. It is why we repeatedly refer to values in the European Union. It can be everything to do with AI regulation and making sure that it is a human generating aspect. This is a peace project. I am delighted we agree on that. One would argue that if you believe in peace, you have to prepare to pay to defend that peace. The Deputy is right that I do not agree with the Government's position on military neutrality. I would much rather that we were doing other things, but we are not. That is not only because it is the collective Government agreement, but it is the position of my political party, this Dáil and the Irish people. However, supporting the people of Ukraine to build and purchase defensive systems and to clear landmines is compatible with that policy of military neutrality. Making sure we have real spending on security is just common sense, particularly when we are seeking to protect peace. We are not in an era where Europe is spending more on defence than ever before. Per capita, it is actually much lower than it was in the seventies and eighties.

That concludes the statements. Does the Minister of State want to make a general comment?

I will make a few concluding remarks to follow on from some of the points made by the Taoiseach in his opening iteration because in his 20 minutes he did not cover them all. In regard to the items discussed at the June European Council meeting, as we just finished off on the crucial issue of European defence, it was revisited at the meeting and leaders took stock of progress on the implementation of the defence readiness roadmap. Of course, security is one of Ireland's overarching priorities and that is why we will continue to take forward the European defence readiness agenda. Deputies have rightly said, and perhaps criticised, that countries across the union are investing more in their national security and defence capabilities. Deputy O'Donoghue rightly charged that Ireland needs to do more in this regard, and we are. Even though we will retain a central policy of military neutrality, we can work with European partners to make sure security and defence are there, particularly with the Council's urgent call for efforts to strengthen resilience, enhance preparedness, protect critical infrastructure and prevent, deter and respond to hybrid attacks, bearing in mind this jurisdiction was subject to a hybrid attack on our health system not that long ago. In respect of migration and following on from the entry into force of the EU migration and asylum pact on 12 June, despite Deputy O'Flynn's charges this is something that was voted on by the democratically elected representatives of the people in Dáil Éireann. Leaders discussed the ongoing challenges presented by irregular and unplanned migration and looked at the progress on the legislative agenda calling for intensification of this work. They will have a strategic discussion on migration at their next meeting in October. Ireland is fully committed to the implementation of the pact, which will provide a consistent, fair, sustainable, humane and efficient asylum procedure and upgrade the common European asylum system. It will create an asylum service that is transparent, fair and aligned with other member states. The trade in illicit drugs orchestrated by organised crime groups poses a serious challenge to European security and the well-being, crucially, of our citizens. The June European Council meeting committed to jointly operationalising the EU drugs strategy 2026-2030 and addressed the harms caused by illicit drugs. This EU drugs strategy implementation framework provides an opportunity to address gaps identified in the evaluation of the previous strategy while also optimising the use of existing measures and tools. As chair of the horizontal working group on drugs for the next six months, Ireland is committed to progressing the implementation framework for the EU drugs strategy. The Taoiseach spoke at length about Ukraine and Deputy Lawless raised what I would classify, quite frankly, as misplaced concerns about enlargement of the European Union, bearing in mind the last time Ireland had the Presidency in 2013 it was the eve of Croatia joining the European Union. More famously, and the Leas-Cheann Comhairle was part of the Government at the time, in 2004 we hosted the day of welcomes when the European Union expanded to ten member states. For many of us that symbolised the real end - in many ways the belated end - of the Cold War when most of those countries who were former Soviet satellite states were able to embrace the European Union and liberal western democracies. Like Ukraine, Moldavia's future is in Europe. The opening of the first cluster in Moldova's accession negotiations on 15 June was warmly welcomed by leaders, as was the first EU-Moldova summit that took place on 22 June. While holding the Presidency, we will work to open all remaining clusters by the end of the Irish Presidency. Other items addressed in the June European Council conclusions included the western Balkans and Armenia, as well as efforts to help stop the spread of the Ebola virus in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda, as raised by Deputy Ó Laoghaire last week. The conclusions adopted at the June European Council also reaffirmed the EU's support for the institutions upholding international law. They also took note of recent EU strategies for islands and coastal communities and referred to discussions on the integrated country-specific recommendations, enabling the 2026 European semester to be concluded. We are one week into our Presidency of the Council of the European Union. Over the coming months, we will act impartially serving as an honest broker among our fellow member states to progress many files in areas that were raised here today. Our work will respond to the overall interests and needs of the union, its member states and citizens across Europe. The Government will continue to keep the House informed about progress with our Presidency programme and I really look forward to future discussions with Deputies. The Taoiseach laid out that he will be addressing COSAC next week. This is a great opportunity and as someone, like Deputy Ó Murchú, who travelled to many COSAC meetings during membership of the Oireachtas Joint Committee on European Union Affairs, I know this is where parliamentarians are given the best ability to contribute to the European Union's legislative agenda. It is crucially important that Oireachtas Members from all parties and none, and from both Houses, engage fully, not just in the Presidency today but in using it to make sure our focus on Europe and European Union affairs is a bedrock of our democratic discussion.

I thank the Minister of State. That concludes statements on the European Council meeting of 18 and 19 June, pursuant to Standing Order 133.