2025-12-17

I appreciate the opportunity to address the House on what is an important matter. I thank the Deputies for seeking the opportunity for statements on fishing opportunities in 2026. I welcome the timely opportunity to discuss the concerns affecting the fisheries and seafood sector. I welcome the contributions of so many at the Oireachtas Committee on Fisheries and Maritime Affairs and look forward to continued engagement today. I wish to reassure the Dáil that as Minister of State with responsibility for fisheries and the marine, I recognise the importance of maintaining a vibrant fishing sector both for the communities that rely on it and the wider economy. Importantly, I also recognise that these same coastal communities are feeling dismay and despair at the outcome of the AGRIFISH Council negotiations in Brussels last week. The despair is twofold. The first concerns the actualisation of the total allowable catch, TAC, being set at the headline ICES advice by the EU, particularly the resultant quotas for pelagic stocks, while the second concerns the fact that Ireland’s invocation of the Hague preferences, which are a key element of our relative stability, was blocked by a group of larger member states led by France and Germany, involving the Netherlands and aided by Poland. The conclusions reached in Brussels are a culmination of bilateral and trilateral negotiations by the EU with third countries. This was followed by the internal EU matters of the Baltic, western Mediterranean and the EU main TAC and quota regulation, which covers stocks in the Atlantic, the North Sea and adjacent waters and includes the fish stocks of relevance to Ireland. Most of the stocks covered by this regulation are shared with third countries - predominantly the UK and Norway. There are only two stocks for which Ireland has quota that are autonomous Union stocks. These are sole and plaice in a location referred to as 7bc, which is off Ireland's west coast. The TAC for these stocks have been set at 15 tonnes annually for 2024, 2025 and 2026 in line with ICES advice and, therefore, were not under consideration in this proposal, which came to a conclusion early last Saturday morning. It is clear that the outcomes of this year’s December AGRIFISH Council will result in severely reduced fishing opportunities for 2026. The scientific advice upon which the council’s decisions were based reflects the impact of overfishing of the mackerel stock by certain third countries. The advised 70% reduction in the total allowable catch for mackerel is compounded by a 41% reduction in blue whiting, a 22% reduction in boarfish and further reductions in nephrops or Dublin Bay prawns as they are known. We were aware of these concerns for some time as were many in this House because we had a discussion here and at the Joint Committee on Fisheries and Maritime Affairs about this impending scientific advice but it was effectively crystallised at the weekend and, therefore, has created significant shock in the communities that are most affected by and depend so much fishing in the first instance, the processing sector and all the supply chains that are very much part of the industry. Ireland’s fishing opportunities for 2026 amount to approximately over 120,000 tonnes with an estimated first-sale value of €205 million. This represents a decrease of one third - €100 million to €105 million - on the estimated value of the 2025 quota. These figures reflect quota outcomes for Ireland across the main pelagic, demersal and nephrops stocks for 2026. As a result, while the overall scale of opportunity remains substantial, the distribution of quota across key stocks presents ongoing challenges for fleet planning, processing throughput and coastal communities that are highly dependent on specific fisheries. It is important that we do not focus our ire on the scientific advice here. The advice is merely reflecting years of overfishing by other countries and we, the EU and specifically Ireland are suffering the consequences. The question arises as to what we are going to do about it. Ireland has consistently called for action against those countries that over fish mackerel. Given that Ireland holds the largest share of EU quota for mackerel in the western waters area, the devastating impact of the decline in this stock will be acutely felt by both the catching and processing sectors. On behalf of the Government, I have called for the EU to send a clear message that actions that threaten the sustainability of our shared stocks are not acceptable. At the recent AGRIFISH Council, the importance of a concerted EU response was discussed by ministers, including the option of triggering the unsustainable fishing regulation. This is something I have sought for some time and will continue to pursue. Even since the Council last week, we have seen questionable actions taken by other third countries in how we manage the mackerel stock in the north-east Atlantic. As recently as Monday evening, Norway, the UK, the Faroes and Iceland agreed, without the EU, on management arrangements for mackerel for 2026. The ICES headline advice for 2026 is 174,357 tonnes, which would represent a 70% reduction in last year's activity. This is based on a 50% probability that the stock will recover to its biomass limit, Blim, in 2027. I will define Blim for the benefit of the record of the House. Spawning stock biomass is the weight of the sexually mature fish in a population. Blim means the level of spawning stock biomass below which recruitment, that is, reproduction, is impaired, or the stock dynamics are unknown. Despite this, however, the four parties - Norway, the UK, the Faroes and Iceland - have agreed that the 2026 TAC should be 299,000 tonnes. This is based on the alternative catch scenario given by ICES based on application of the maximum sustainable yield rule, ignoring that the stock is below Blim. The really important thing about Blim is that it is a term set that gives the best chance of the stock recovering. That is something we all want to see. We want to see conservation measures that ensure we have long-term viability for our coastal communities and fishing stocks. When you deviate from that, you risk the potential for ultimate elimination of a stock. We now have a challenge in how we address this based on what were our partners up to now have done. The higher catch is associated with a higher risk, as I said, that the stock will not recover to its Blim in 2027. It may ultimately deplete the stock, take much longer to try to save it and, therefore, impact for a much greater period. The four-party agreement indicates that their combined share is 79.45%, which is equivalent to 238,000 tonnes, and 37% above the headline advice of 174,000 tonnes. The EU will now have to make a decision on whether it remains faithful to the ICES headline advice of 174,000 tonnes or takes its share of the higher figure of 299,000 tonnes. There are many issues to be carefully considered here. A higher TAC means more fish for our fleet but the one issue we need to be mindful of is that overfishing by some third countries has led to the collapse of the stock and a careful balance needs to be struck. This is Ireland’s most important stock and we need to sustain it in the long run. The impact of the scientific advice and resulting reductions in available quota, combined with Ireland not receiving its Hague preference quotas, will have significant operational and economic feasibility impacts on the seafood sector. The 2026 quota outcomes reflect the continued balancing act between maintaining viable fishing opportunities and protecting fish stocks in line with scientific advice under the Common Fisheries Policy. For Ireland, this reinforces the importance of maximising value from available quota and maintaining high standards of quality and market positioning. I will address the non-application of Ireland’s Hague preferences in the TAC and quota regulation. The Hague preferences were created to account for Ireland’s underdeveloped fleet and to counter the impact of access to Irish waters provided to vessels of other EU nations. These amounts of fish allocated to Ireland from other member states protected our fishing fleet from periods of severely depleted stocks. Deputies will be aware that, regrettably, a group of member states chose to block the invocation of Ireland’s Hague preferences this year; I have outlined the countries concerned. I am extremely disappointed that these member states have chosen to block the protection of our fleet at our time of most need. I said at the Council I felt it was comparable to an act of betrayal by colleagues of the fundamental terms and conditions of an insurance policy that is being paid for in fish by Ireland since 1983. It is particularly upsetting that the charge has been led by those who benefited most from access to Irish waters every year since 1983. I know, from discussions of the Council outcomes with the Oireachtas Joint Committee on Fisheries and Maritime Affairs yesterday, that Members will share the concerns I have outlined today, that they are equally appalled at the actions of those other member states and that they wish to know what actions will be taken. I acknowledge the support I have had from Irish seafood industry representatives over the past number of weeks. They have spoken as one and supported the approach I have taken in discussions and negotiations. An intensive schedule of work has to be undertaken over the coming weeks. I intend to work with colleagues in addressing that. The Minister, Deputy Heydon, and I have made it very clear that we intend to establish a task force, under the auspices of the food vision strategy, to advance a framework of supports for the seafood sector. A key priority for the food vision-seafood group will be to ensure that a framework of economic, environmental and social sustainability supports is available to the fisheries and seafood processing sector and its coastal communities. Obviously, we want to prioritise that work and ensure we move quickly to get that up and running. The group will be chaired by an independent chair and will include representatives from the fishing organisations, aquaculture and the seafood processing organisations. The Department of Agriculture, Food and the Marine and its agencies, and other relevant Departments and agencies, will form a very significant part of that. As I said, the task force will have to have an intensive schedule of work in the early stages to get it up and running. I want to see an interim report delivered in the first quarter of next year. I expect the first meeting of this group to start in early January and begin its work. As I mentioned at the committee yesterday, I intend to seek some external support to augment our Department capabilities to ensure the matter gets the priority it deserves. I am conscious that additional resources will be required to carry this out. I have already had conversations, on a number of occasions, with the Minister for public expenditure, Deputy Chambers. The Minister, Deputy Heydon, and I have had his support in this regard. We intend to move quickly on it. The Minister is here. He has been a tremendous support to me in my work over the last number of weeks. He has been available to use his influence, which is very considerable at European level, to try to get the best possible outcome. We are committed to working in unison through this particular period. We intend to appoint Michael Berkery as the independent chair. Michael is a well-known figure in the Irish agri-sector. He has made very significant contributions to Irish agriculture and the agrifood sector, notably, as CEO of the Irish Farmers' Association for 25 years, where he excelled in policy shaping and improving farmers' prospects. He was uncompromising in his pursuit of farming interests and is renowned for his exceptional political judgment and negotiating skills. These skills were harnessed through major CAP reforms and World Trade Organization negotiations, cementing his role as a pivotal figure in Irish agriculture history. Michael understands the needs of rural and coastal communities. He has been a tireless champion for rural communities. He brings enormous experience to dealing with politicians, senior civil servants, Departments, State agencies and the European Commission. He is alert to EU and national Exchequer funding, the relevant EU and national legislation and the constraints imposed by EU state aid rules by the European Commission. I look forward, together with the Minister, to building in a number of other individuals as part of that committee. I will certainly be happy to take any thoughts or views Members have in formulating that response or task force to address the very significant crisis we know we are facing.

We obviously had the chance at the committee yesterday to go through what a disaster this outcome is and how it cannot stand. The Common Fisheries Policy has been deeply unfair to Ireland's fishing and coastal communities throughout the years. What happened with Brexit has rightly been described as a betrayal of those communities. It was a power grab and I will deal with some of the companies at the heart of this soon. What happened at the Fisheries Council now has to be the final insult. There has to be a complete change in approach from our Government in dealing with our European partners when it comes to the Common Fisheries Policy. It is so serious. I will start with the Hague preferences. The Hague preferences were put in place in 1976. Their origin is Annex VII of the EEC Council Resolution, 3 November 1976. They were in place for Ireland and Britain as a quid pro quo for access to our waters. Our waters have given huge wealth to fishing fleets across Europe. They are some of the richest fishing waters in the world. The Hague preferences are central to that. That was a veneer of fairness and it was deployed from time to time over the years where necessary. To suggest that the Hague preferences can just be done away with is absolutely unacceptable. The Minister of State must use every single legal instrument available to him to challenge this. The member states who united to block us invoking the Hague preferences know very well that this is not about taking fish away from them. This is about a balance for all the fish they have taken from our waters over the years. They know that very well. I believe that there has unfortunately been a meek response from Irish Governments. I do not include the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, in that, but before him there was a meek resistance to what was happening for too many years. They believe that can continue. The Minister of State needs to prove them wrong. He needs to prove that they cannot do this. Let us talk about why it was that the Netherlands, France, Germany and Poland united to outrageously attack our fishing and coastal communities when they know what happened after Brexit. They know we took the biggest hit from Brexit. Burden sharing never happened. They know that and they would do that to us. It was said yesterday by my colleague, Deputy Conor D. McGuinness, and I agree with him, that the Minister of State needs to bring every ambassador from those four countries in to meet him urgently. He needs to make it clear what they did is seen as an attack on our people by a member state. I will tell him why I believe they did it. I want to talk about the big five. The big five are referred to as an extremely powerful oligopoly. These are corporations that co-operate and work together, and that have a collective value of €2.4 billion. It is estimated that by buying up quota across the European Union they have one in six of the fish caught under their control. They are huge. I will name them. They are Parlevliet and van der Plas, Cornelis Vrolijk, Van der Zwan, Alda Seafood and the De Boer family. The big one is Parlevliet and van der Plas. Let us talk about them. When I talk about the big five there has been much reportage of this. This is not a secret. It is widely known. I have an absolutely damning report from earlier this year into the actions of these corporations. At the centre of it is Parlevliet and van der Plas. I also have a report from a couple of years ago from Follow the Money, which did an exposé on the massive control this company has, which is led by Dirk Parlevliet. This company is valued at €1.5 billion. That is probably conservative because there is a lack of accountability about quota allocation across Europe. Nobody can tell us definitively who actually has it. It is estimated at €1.5 billion. This is the biggest fish company in Europe. It has huge influence. It is estimated that the big five control 230 vessels. They own the biggest super trawlers in the world. When you look up our west coast you see these super trawlers vacuuming up the fish in our waters. This has been going on for far too long. I am asking the Minister of State to take every legal action at his disposal to challenge what happened with the Hague preferences. It just cannot stand, but he must also call out the big five, particularly Parlevliet and van der Plas. There is no doubt that these five companies, but particularly P and P, as it is abbreviated, had more influence over the actions of Germany, France, Poland and their own country of the Netherlands, than Ireland did. The lack of respect for a fellow member state that suffered so egregiously after Brexit and has struggled so much with our declining allocation of fish quota, is outrageous. However, it gets worse than just what happens within the European Union. These companies have huge interests in Iceland and the Faroe Islands. These companies have also benefited from the reckless over-fishing that has left the mackerel species on the precipice. They also benefit from the deal with Norway to get access to the cod because they have interests there. Everywhere you turn these corporations are winning through. This is corruption. This is a fundamental attack on our democracy and the European Union. Our Government cannot stand for it. Our Government must stand up and speak loudly about what is happening here. Have no doubt that what took place in the Fisheries Council was utter corruption. Corporations have united together using the weaknesses and fundamental flaws of the Common Fisheries Policy to buy out quota to recklessly over-fish through Iceland and the Faroe Islands. Then there are their interests in Britain. They have huge interests in Britain. What has happened in recent days? Iceland, the Faroe Islands, Norway and the UK have united and made an agreement about mackerel. They did not pay any heed to the science. This agreement is way below what has been agreed at the Fisheries Council. Again, I ask the Minister of State what he is going to do about that. Britain has signed up to the Trade and Cooperation Agreement. It must be aligned to the Common Fisheries Policy. How can it make a deal and enable recklessness and then benefit from a deal with the European Union? There has to be consistency here. To summarise, we have our fishing and coastal communities decimated. They were the rule takers. They played by the rules. They followed the science. We have a small number of massive corporations based in the Netherlands that have huge influence over member states. This is not environmentally friendly policy. This is not about that. This is not about what the Common Fisheries Policy states about social and economic impacts being considered by every member state before they allocate quota. It is stitched into the Common Fisheries Policy. What has happened here is an outrageous attack on our sovereignty and our people. In the time I have I left I again draw the Minister of State's attention to the 2016 Supreme Court decision in Barlow v Minister for Agriculture. It is clear from that decision that the Supreme Court says that Article 10 means that we do have control over our waters as well as of other natural resources. I ask the Minister of State to get legal advice about what happened with the Hague preferences, Article 10 and the Supreme Court ruling and to take legal action to defend our interests. It will not be enough to set up a task force. Of course, financial resources are needed, but when these boats in a number of years’ time need to go back to fish, there needs to be fish there. I ask the Minister of State to do everything he can.

Caithfidh mé labhairt ar dhá cheist, is iad sin, na cuótaí agus a dtionchar eacnamaíocha cois cósta; agus ceannas, údarás agus cumhacht na hÉireann thar ár bhfarraigí féinig. Tá breis agus 90% dár gcríoch mar Stát suite ar an bhfarraige ach is fíorbheag an smacht atá againn ar na héisc a bhaintear aisti. Thar na blianta, faoi rialacha an Chomhbheartais Iascaigh, tá an ceart sin tógtha uainn de réir a chéile. Tá tíortha eile ag baint tairbhe as uiscí na hÉireann, agus ní tíortha de chuid an Aontais Eorpaigh iad uile. Is í an fhírinne lom ná go bhfágtar ár n-iascairí féin ar an imeall i gcónaí. Is léir ón méid atá tarlaithe anseo gur beag meáchan atá ag guth na hÉireann nuair a thagann brú idirnáisiúnta i gceist. Ní ceist theicniúil amháin í seo; is ceist pholaitiúil í. Is léir arís eile nach bhfuil ceannas ceart againn ar ár n-acmhainní nádúrtha féin. Is iad pobail bheaga cois cósta a íocann an praghas. Tá tionchar ar leith ag na cinntí seo ar ár gceantair Ghaeltachta. I go leor de na ceantair sin, is iad na hiascairí cnámh droma an gheilleagair áitiúla. Beidh drochthionchar eacnamaíocha ag na cinntí seo agus níl roghanna fostaíochta eile ar fáil go héasca in an-chuid de na ceantair seo. Nuair a laghdaítear cuótaí, ní chailltear ioncam amháin; cailltear daoine óga agus teaghlaigh agus laghdaítear an Ghaeilge mar theanga phobail. Is ceist teanga agus chultúir í seo chomh maith le ceist eacnamaíocha. Tá staitisticí soiléire ann a thugann léargas air seo. Tá cuid mhór de na ceantair Ghaeltachta i measc na gceantar is leochailí ó thaobh dífhostaíochta agus imirce de. Nuair a imíonn an obair ón bhfarraige, leanann an imirce í. Is bagairt dhíreach d'inbhuanaitheacht na Gaeltachta í seo. Ní féidir leis an Rialtas a rá go bhfuil sé ag tacú leis an nGaelainn agus é ag glacadh le beartas a scriosann bunús eacnamaíochta na gceantar sin ag an am céanna. Tá sé ráite go soiléir ag na heagraíochtaí iascaigh go bhfuil teip ar struchtúr an Chomhbeartais Iascaigh. Tá sé sin ráite againn sa choiste agus ag mo chomhghleacaí, an Teachta Mac Lochlainn, chomh maith. Aontaím leis an méid atá ráite ag na heagrais iascaigh ach téim céim níos faide; is ceist cheannais í seo. Muna bhfuil an chumhacht againn ár n-acmhainní a chosaint, beimid i gcónaí ag plé leis na hiarmhairtí céanna, is iad sin, laghdaithe, géarchéimeanna agus pobail á bhfágáil ar lár. Caithfimid seasamh polaitiúil a ghlacadh ar son na tíre. Beidh muidne ar an taobh seo ag tacú leis an Aire Stáit má dhéanann sé amhlaidh. Caithfear a rá go soiléir nach féidir leis an bpobal cósta leanúint ar aghaidh ag íoc as easpa smachta agus cothromais ar leibhéal na hEorpa. Tá athrú treo iomlán ag teastáil anois, agus tá sé i bhfad thar am. The outcome of the recent Common Fisheries Policy negotiations represents one of the most severe shocks, if not the most severe shock, the Irish fishing industry has faced in its existence. It was not a sudden collapse, it was the final shove in a long process of decline that Government parties managed, excused and normalised. What was already fragile has now been pushed dangerously close to a point of no return. That is the responsibility of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and successive administrations. We acknowledge the scientific advice is stark, with proposed reductions around 70% for mackerel, deep cuts to blue whiting and significant reductions across other North Atlantic species and prawns in the Irish Sea. Sinn Féin accepts science must guide fisheries management, there is no dispute over that, but stock sustainability matters. Justice and fairness also matter and science does not answer the political questions at the heart of this particular crisis. Who is breaking the rules, who is overfishing shared stocks and why is it always Irish fishermen and Ireland's coastal communities who are expected to pay the price? The Minister of State said at the committee meeting yesterday, and I agreed with him, that our waters cannot sustain the level of fishing and overfishing being undertaken for years by the EU fishing fleet. That is correct and we agree; there is no dispute there. However, it can definitely sustain the fishing effort of Irish fishing boats. That is where the priority must be and where the injustice in all this lies. Irish fishermen are complying with the rules and suffering the consequences. Meanwhile, states including the Netherlands, Germany, France and Poland coalesce to protect their own interests and, as we just heard from Deputy Mac Lochlainn, the interests of a very small number of multinational corporations that play hard and fast with the rules, our democracies and in many cases, the rule of law. They vote down safeguards for Ireland and consolidate their advantages in the interests of those few corporations. Deputy Mac Lochlainn has already used parliamentary privilege to name those Dutch corporations and the extraordinary control they exercise over Irish fishing opportunities, over the entire EU process and, if we are being honest, over negotiations between EU and third countries where they also have economic presences. This is something which cuts to the core of our democracy and European democracy. There are not many people in the Chamber but it should send a chill down the spine of everybody who has any interest in the environment, the rule of law, democracy or fairness. This Government has allowed Irish sovereign natural resources to be effectively gifted, not even by us in Ireland and Irish people but by foreign Governments, that are there for our generation and future generations to private corporations. It is not partnership and the economy, it is an abdication of responsibility and is an affront to our sovereignty as a nation. The scale of damage is already clear, with a projected loss of 57,000 tonnes of quota in 2026 and an economic hit of up to €200 million per year. There are various ways to quantify the monetary value of this but there are estimates that put this at a fifth of a billion. More than 2,300 jobs are on the line as we face into Christmas and that is not lost on anyone in any coastal community in Ireland. There are families now wondering - skippers and boat owners - how they are going to meet the December repayments on their boats. There are crews scared they will lose income but really, they do not know if they will be fishing or will have a berth on a boat come January. Processing plants are facing closure. There is an idea that we maybe can prevail upon some of these foreign registered trawlers and fishing operations to land their catch here. They will not because they know we have the most extreme sea fisheries protection regime and they can effectively get off scot-free in their own home ports. They are not going to be coming here. Should we really be begging for a scrap from the table? Through all this, and it is not a criticism that lands on the lap of the Minister of State or that of the Minister, Deputy Heydon, but the absence of leadership from the Taoiseach and Tánaiste has been glaring and staggering. In other member states, heads of Government intervened directly when national interests were threatened and that leadership was not evident here. As Chair of the Oireachtas Committee on Fisheries and Maritime Affairs, I said this and the committee looked for that. I said it to the Taoiseach last Thursday and asked him to pick up a phone but I would say he did not lift his hand to do anything to support the Minister of State and to have his back in these negotiations and to support, more importantly, our coastal communities. Ireland has been treated as a soft touch in this and effectively, this Government - Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and the Lowry Independents - have allowed it to happen. States that describe themselves as partners and say all the nice things to us about solidarity and the European Union, that we are partners and member states and need to relook at our neutrality and step together at European level, voted against us. They gutted us and the Minister of State at these negotiations. They blocked the Hague preferences and stripped away the only modest protection designed to prevent exactly this kind of shock. That is calculated insult heaped on existing injury and demands a response; not quiet disappointment, not expressions of concern and not more hand-wringing. I call for an immediate diplomatic and political response to signal Ireland's disgust on how we have been treated as a sovereign nation. That means formal diplomatic démarche. It means calling in the ambassadors of states that have actively undermined Irish fisheries and sovereignty. It means making clear access to Irish waters cannot continue as if nothing has happened. There can be no more business as usual and there are many avenues open to the Minister of State and to this Government, should they choose to go down them, that are within the bounds of the law and which exert economic and political pressure on our so-called partner countries. Ireland will shortly hold the Presidency of the European Union, which must be used deliberately to untangle and undo this injustice; not to manage it or kick it to touch but to reverse it. At European level, Ireland must reopen discussions with a clear demand for fair burden sharing and the restoration of protections for highly dependent member states such as Ireland. That requires political will from the current Taoiseach. Ultimately, this comes down to political choice. The CFP must be judged not just on stock levels but on fairness and solidarity and at present it is failing on all of that. Our fishing communities have observed decades of loss. They have been patient and have played by the rules. Their anger, despair and disappointment is justified. The injury is real, the insult is undeniable and what happens next will tell us whether this Government is prepared to stand up for this country or whether it is content to let another vital sector slide towards a fatal end.

Tá an Rialtas tar éis cliseadh arís is arís eile ar phobail chósta agus ar thionscadail iascaireachta na hÉireann. Léiríonn an géilleadh seo go bhfuil ganntanas iomlán suime ag Fianna Fáil agus Fine Gael maidir le saolta agus slí beatha na n-iascairí. Níor sheas siad suas dóibh riamh agus níl siad ag seasamh suas dóibh anois. Beagnach dhá bhliain ó shín, d’ardaigh mé cás Mhuireann Kavanagh díreach leis an Taoiseach sa Seomra seo. Ní raibh cás riamh chomh soiléir idir cad atá ceart agus mícheart. Is girseach óg í Muireann Kavanagh atá 16 bliain d’aois arb as Árainn Mhór di, oileán amach ar chósta Dhún na nGall. Ba iascaire a bhí ina hathair, ina seanathair agus ina sin-seanathair, agus bíonn Muireann ag iascaireacht fosta. Gabhann sí mangaigh le duán agus dorú. Is é seo an leagan is inbhuanaithe iascaireachta atá ann ach dúirt an Rialtas léi go riabh a cuid iascaireachta in éadan an dlí. Tá uirthi amharc amach ón seomra leapa in oileán Árainn Mhór ar na longa móra as tíortha eile agus iad ag déanamh scrios ar an chothromaíocht atá tar éis na pobail chósta i dTír Chonaill agus ar fud an Stáit seo a chothú ar feadh na mílte bliain. Tá an cuma ar na trálaeir móra seo ar nós gur cathracha beaga iad, i bhfad níos mó ná na bailte agus na sráidbhailte ar chósta Dhún na nGall. Nuair nach raibh an Rialtas in ann an éagóir in éadan Mhuireann Kavanagh a fheiceáil, ba léir nach mbeadh siad chun seasamh suas di agus dá pobal choíche. This Government has failed coastal communities and the fishing industry. The latest capitulation is symptomatic of a complete lack of interest from Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael in the way of life and the livelilhoods of fishermen and fisherwomen up and down this country. They have never stood up for them and that is the fact. Almost two years ago I stood here and directly put to the Taoiseach the case of young Muireann Kavanagh. Never has there been such a clear case of right and wrong. She is a 16-year-old girl from Arranmore island off the coast of Donegal. Her father, grandfather and great-grandfather were fishermen and Muireann also fishes. She catches pollock with hook and line, the most sustainable way of fishing, but she was told then by the Government that her fishing was illegal. She was forced to watch from her bedroom in Arranmore Island the foreign factory ships destroying the balance that has sustained that coastal community and coastal communities right across the State, in Donegal and elsewhere, for thousands of years. These monster ships look like small cities. They dwarf the towns and villages along the coast of Donegal. A Government that could not see the injustice done to Muireann Kavanagh was never going to stand up for communities like hers. She wanted a future on this island but that future had been denied her. When I raised this with the Taoiseach at the time he accused me of dishonesty and spin. He said that it was for scientific reasons that Muireann could not fish for pollock with a hook and line. The problem is that there are always winners and losers here. Muireann was the loser and the factory ships were the winners, and in this case here it is the factory ships that are winners, and Irish fishing and coastal communities are the losers. They have again been thrown to the wolves by this Government. This system is completely rigged, and if Muireann Kavanagh is a problem, then the Government really does not know and does not have fishing communities backs. My colleague, Deputy Mac Lochlainn, outlined blow by blow, the corporate interests and powerful lobbies that are at the heart of Europe, and a compliant Irish Government nodding along. For anyone from a coastal community in Ireland it comes as no surprise that the Government has failed to stand up for them again but the scale of this failure cannot be overstated this time. This is not minor. The outcome of the most recent EU fisheries Council is catastrophic. The fishing quotas agreement is a dark day for the Irish fishing communities and we are talking about jobs that are going to be lost. We are talking about livelilhoods that are on the line. We are now seeing fishing vessels that could be at sea for less than ten days a year and factories that worked for five months a year down to two to three weeks. How can the Government or any Minister not know what this means and stand up for them? This means livelilhoods destroyed. It is a hammer blow for coastal communities - communities right along Donegal, from Greencastle down to Killybegs. Jobs are going to be lost. The Common Fisheries Policy, CFP, has been undermined again and again by big businesses allowed to pursue their interests unchecked. As Deputy McGuinness said, this is not the time to roll over. This is the time to stand up. This is the time to have fishing communities backs. This is the time to stand up for our sovereignty and our rights. This is the time for the Taoiseach to finally show up and make his voice heard on this issue.

I want to speak first on the grave concerns in the fishing industry with the announcement of the new deal from the EU on fishing opportunities for 2026. The loss of 57,000 tonnes of quota will without doubt have a hugely detrimental impact on the over 2,300 jobs in the industry. The Seafood Ireland Alliance has said that it expects somewhere between a €100 million and €200 million loss in value for 2026. Those are staggering figures and will have caused great concern and distress for those working in the sector in recent days. The knock-on effects of this deal will be far-reaching for coastal towns and communities across Ireland. Much like agricultural industries in Ireland, the fisheries sector provides a platform for other sectors beyond its own. Local businesses, suppliers and restaurants will feel the effects of these changes. Costs of produce will increase, as will the cost of transportation and procuring stock. These costs will cause serious difficulties for small businesses and invariably, these increases will be passed on to consumers, and those working in the industry will see figures rise, while their wages continue to remain stagnant. News coming from the European Union about this deal and the proposed Mercosur does not provide much hope for communities that rely so much on the fisheries and agricultural sectors. When the ordinary worker in these industries and the consumer looks at these proposals, they can rightly wonder whether they are considered in any of the high-up decision-making processes. The Labour Party will work constructively with Government to advocate for a fair and equitable fisheries policy that prioritises the livelilhoods of Irish fishermen and fisherwomen and the sustainability of the Marine Institute. I want to take this opportunity to again raise the issue of the Blackwater fish kill. This was an ecological disaster on a scale we had never seen before in my home town. Anglers across the Munster region and I have little faith that this issue is being taken seriously by the State bodies involved. The River Blackwater was the scene of the greatest fish kill ever seen in this country. In excess of 40,000 fish were killed by a chemical irritant. This led to investigations by Inland Fisheries Ireland, IFI, the EPA, Cork County Council and the Marine Institute. With all these State bodies and local authorities involved, not one had the optimum capacity or resources to identify the chemical. Therefore, the cause of responsibility for the kill has not been found. It is worth noting that although the source of the pollution is still unknown due to the lack of ability to identify the irritant, the North Cork Co-Operative Creamery in Kanturk came under scrutiny after the EPA published the results of a site inspection conducted on the night of the fish kill. The findings revealed that over 362,000 litres of wastewater were discharged into the river within a ten-hour window, with ammonia levels 52 times above the legal limits. Since then, the creamery has been made to suspend production, due to this and a consistent history of failure to achieve compliance with licensed-discharge conditions. This not just a Kanturk problem or a Cork problem. Issues of pollution must be rigorously investigated and stamped out right across this country. If we are serious about protecting our environment, rivers, fish and wildlife, then enforcement powers must be increased. Never once in this country was an EPA licence taken away. They must be withdrawn if constant pollution happens. We have had no sanctions or definitive answer for this and, to be frank, it makes a mockery of the idea that we have oversight. The bottom line is that we still do not know what killed upwards of 40,000 fish. This brings me on to Inland Fisheries Ireland. The programme for Government includes a clear commitment to carry out a full review of Inland Fisheries Ireland. This commitment must now be honoured in full and without further delay. This cannot be allowed to drift on while serious governance issues remain unresolved, complaints go unanswered and staff concerns continue to be raised internally and externally. I am sure the Minister, because he is the Minister, would have seen the meeting of the Committee of Public Accounts two weeks ago. As a member of that committee, it was deeply concerning for me to see basic governance and basic record-keeping were all found wanting. This was not a minor oversight. It was a serious, corporate governance failure. Following an answer to a parliamentary question from me last week, it emerged that seven separate investigations took place within IFI between 2021 and 2025. That is a significant number for an organisation of its size and should immediately raise alarm bells for the Minister and the Department. The issues I raised include the use of uninsured vehicles and the provision of false documentation to a staff member, which was in turn passed on to An Garda Síochána. These are not trivial matters. They point to a culture where rules are treated as optional and staff are placed in impossible positions because of management failures. The facts laid before the committee two weeks ago by IFI were absolutely shocking. A staff member of IFI was involved in a car crash in Donegal in August 2021. Following that accident, IFI provided that employee with insurance documentation which it later found out, on 16 November 2021, to be completely inaccurate. Despite knowing this, it failed to inform either the member of staff or An Garda Síochána that the documentation was false. It knowingly allowed a staff member to proceed with paperwork it knew to be invalid. The employee learned that the insurance documentation was invalid only when he received a solicitor's letter from the other party involved in the car crash. This is an appalling way to treat anyone and for anyone to learn that an employer has exposed them to legal and personal risk. The bottom line is clear. IFI knowingly failed to inform the Garda or its own staff member that a vehicle it had was uninsured. This is disgraceful and completely inexcusable. Workers should never have to endure such an ordeal. The hearing added even more troubling revelations. The acting chief executive told the committee before the meeting broke that he knew nothing of the findings of the external investigation commissioned by the former Minister, Eamon Ryan. Yet, after the break in the committee meeting, he acknowledged that he was in attendance at the February 2025 board meeting where those findings were presented. While the findings may not have been discussed in detail, he failed to disclose that he knew they had been received. It appeared he believed he could go through the entire committee meeting without acknowledging this. That is simply unacceptable. At the end of that committee meeting, the former and acting deputy CEO and now head of finance revealed that she had carried out a review of the report that IFI had received in February 2025. I call on the Minister of State to be brave with IFI. Let this be his legacy in the Department of fisheries. He must not let IFI continue in this vein. It has lost my support, it has lost the support of anglers and it has lost the support of the general public. IFI, as an organisation, needs to be disbanded and built up from the root again because it is a failed organisation. The Minister of State must not put in senior positions of IFI people who have been involved in controversy. This will be the legacy of IFI and of fisheries in this country. This is an opportunity for the Minister of State to get the confidence of anglers back because the confidence of anglers is not there. He must give IFI that opportunity now to build back up to being an organisation that can be trusted by members of the public. As I have said from the outset, the horizon right now does not look bright for those working in the fisheries sector or anglers or those who use our water. However, the Minister of State has the opportunity now to change that. I know he will because I know he wants to. He will do this because he knows that it will have a great effect on this country and on those who use our rivers.

I want to draw the Ministers of State's attention to very serious concerns over a multiplicity of issues brought to my attention by fishers I represent at Clogherhead in County Louth. Last month, as the Ministers of State will be aware, a trawler sank off Bettystown. Two Egyptian fishers in difficulty were rescued by the Coast Guard helicopter and the Clogherhead lifeboat. This is not an isolated case; it is the sixth such incident in recent times. There is a very concerning pattern. Exactly two years ago, an Egyptian fisher lost their life on a capsized vessel, the Ben Thomas, off Dunany Point, in Dundalk Bay. The recent Marine Casualty Investigation Board report into the fatal incident is absolutely damning. It says a number of things. Issues involved inadequate safety systems, the failure to wear personal flotation devices, the failure of the life raft to inflate, the delayed activation of the vessel's emergency position indicating radio beacon, the absence of personal locator beacons for crew and prolonged cold water immersion in temperatures of approximately 9°C. The other crew member survived but had hypothermia. A distress signal at the time of sinking was not made. This, obviously, delayed the emergency response. The MCIB report raised concerns about safety management practices, including the lack of documented handover procedures when the vessel changed operators weeks before the incident. Critically, insufficient crew induction and training were a big problem. There was expired safety equipment and the absence of vessel-specific stability awareness. I could go on. None of this is new to me or to the experienced fishers in Clogherhead. In recent months, local fishers, with whom I have met, people who have fished these waters for generations safely, sustainably and with health and safety at the forefront of their minds, have brought a raft of associated concerns to me about how the fishery in our area is being exploited by vessels with majority non-EEA crews. The Minister of State knows that this is against the regulations. They have serious concerns about how these boats are being operated and about the safety and training of the crew boarding and operating these vessels. They showed me evidence of boats registered to people with no connection whatsoever to and no direct experience in the fishing industry, vessels registered at residential addresses that simply do not stack up. People whose known business is, for example, home refurbishment and other such work are now for some reason registered as trawler owners. The authorities need to ask more serious questions of some of the newer arrivals to the sector. It is also alleged that on many of these boats, basic health and safety and training and regulatory statutory minimum requirements are not being met, as well as very substantive claims, in my view, of potential overfishing, routine breaches of working time at sea legislation, and other regulations that put the future of the fishery itself at risk. I have met this year with representatives from a range of different organisations, including the WRC, the SFPA and the Revenue Commissioners, and I have shared with them some details and the concerns expressed to me by the Clogherhead fishers. An Garda Síochána, frankly, needs to take a serious interest in what is going on too. We are assured that they are all doing their jobs individually and collectively. I know that all the agencies take a risk-based approach and a multi-agency approach to issues in relation to the regulation of the industry. I have some experience of this. One of the last things I did when I was a Minister of State was bring in the new non-EEA permit scheme for migrant fishers in the context of an international journalistic investigation that was going on at the time and that exposed some of the conditions of non-EEA share fishermen operating in the industry, so I am familiar with what happens. I have represented the Clogherhead fishermen for many years. In my view, however, the authorities need to act and need to start asking more difficult, more searching questions based on the information that has been disclosed, not just to me but to them as well. There needs to be evidence and action in terms of the agencies and their response to these issues. They cannot claim ignorance of these issues. There is a pattern of behaviour here and it needs to be properly understood and properly examined. This very week two years ago, I was supporting members of the Egyptian community in Drogheda who were dealing with their grief when their fellow countryman was taken by the sea off Dunany Point. We need fisheries that are operated well and that favour experienced, skilled operators, many of whom have been working in that fishery for generations, who always play by the rules. We need evidence that work is ongoing such that potential rogue operators will be rooted out. We know that lives have been lost in that fishery in recent years. I refer to the case this time two years ago. Lives were almost lost off Bettystown at the end of November. Lives and honest livelihoods are being put at risk, and the next Ben Thomas or the next Graceful Morning, the vessel that sank off Bettystown, an occurrence like that, is just around the corner unless the unsafe and, in my view, at times illegal practices that appear to have been tolerated for too long are weeded out. We need to weed those practices out. Doing so is how we properly support the fishers who have been working in those fisheries for many years and who put health and safety and the regulatory environment in which they operate first at all times. Lives are at risk and action is needed.

I acknowledge the efforts of the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley. I have worked with him over the past number of months meeting fishing sector representatives. I know how many times he has travelled back and forth to Europe to try to establish some sort of coalition and get other countries on board for, at the very least, invoking the Hague preferences. He did what he could. He used his vote in the way he should have to try to ensure that the Hague preferences came through but, as we know, there was a betrayal. That is the word he has used. I acknowledge his efforts. This was a betrayal. The same countries that sought to block this measure, which Ireland has necessarily benefited from in previous years, gained significant access to Irish waters to the detriment of our own fleet. That is what makes this all the more galling and painful for the Irish fishing sector. Many species were previously abundant around Irish waters. Because of the Common Fisheries Policy, Ireland has paid a significant price. It has not benefited from the quota share that should have been available to it over previous years. Ireland had a 6% share of the hake quota. Ireland's portion of the haddock quota was at times 10% or lower. The quota for monkfish, which is another species that is caught in Irish waters, was sometimes down at approximately 7%. For sole, which is available off the Irish coast, the quota was approximately 5%. There was also a cut of 40% to the total allowable catch for blue whiting, which was once abundant in Irish waters, because of scientific advice. It is clear, and I do not think that anyone disagrees, that the CFP has not worked for the fishing sector when we consider the previously rich fishing grounds and abundance of those species in Irish waters. With those smaller quotas, we had at least the ability to invoke Hague preferences and, unfortunately, a few other countries have acted in a certain way. The Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, has been clear about where he stands. I admire that he has not been afraid to call out those actions. We have not been able to avail of the benefit of the Hague preferences. I commend the response of those in the fishing sector. While they are probably disappointed, angry and frustrated, they have not once questioned, at least to my knowledge, the scientific advice. They appreciate the importance of protecting these species. They appreciate the importance of protecting the stocks. They know they have to listen to the scientists. What really galls them in this situation is the fact that third nations completely ignore and disregard the scientific advice. That is the core of the issue. EU nations have enjoyed a large quota share, especially for species that are caught in Irish waters. However, the actions of third nations that have pillaged these species and disregarded scientific advice are the real core of the issue. This is important. Of course, I am speaking today on behalf of the fishing sector in west Cork, in places such as Kinsale, Union Hall and Castletownbere, which is impacted by this. I am also speaking as the Minister of State with responsibility for biodiversity. When countries ignore scientific advice, it does not only injure what could be a thriving fishing sector in Ireland but also impacts biodiversity, cetaceans and the marine wildlife that rely on these species. The pelagic, polyvalent, whitefish and inshore sectors are impacted. We must mention the impact this is going to have on what could be a vibrant, sustainable inshore sector in Ireland. This will be felt throughout the entire sector. When the quotas for species such as mackerel and whiting are cut to such an extent, it causes displacement. The fishing sector is, rightly, going to have to look for alternative stock and species to catch. This will cause issues throughout the sector. I know the Minister of State is committed. I know he will be meeting the Taoiseach and the Minister, Deputy Chambers, as will I, to ensure that adequate financial supports are put in place, as Deputy Mac Lochlainn said, to get them through this incredibly difficult period for the fishing sector. It is tough because we know that as an island nation with a relatively small fleet, we could have a vibrant, sustainable fishing sector. It could be sustainable in terms of jobs and those participating in fishing, but also sustainable from a nature and biodiversity point of view. We must call it out: the Common Fisheries Policy is not serving us in that regard. I again commend the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley. I know he has met not just representatives of the fishing sector but also Opposition Members. As he has said at committee and at every stage, he is listening to those in the fishing sector and working for them. He want to get results for them. He has my full support to ensure that we get the appropriate financial measures and that the task force is supported in identifying what those financial measures are and how they should be distributed. He has my full support. We need this result for coastal communities right around Ireland.

We are in a very difficult situation for coastal communities around the whole Irish seaboard. The Fisheries Council has caused absolute devastation. That is all it can be described as. It is going to be catastrophic for the fishing industry over the next year and more. The betrayal of the fishing community has gone on for decades. That is the reality. It is what we hear when we talk to fishers around the coastline, particularly inshore fishers and the people who are struggling to make a living. They are fishing sustainably, as was said earlier, but they are the ones who will bear the brunt of much of this. It is estimated that 2,500 coastal jobs in the fishing industry are at risk. The immediate danger is there and clear. We are looking at approximately 57,000 tonnes less in the quota, which will mean that almost €100 million will be lost to the industry. The wider economic impact could reach up to €200 million in coastal communities around the entire seaboard, from Howth to Wexford, over to Castletownbere and up to Killybegs. This is a huge impact on rural communities that are struggling the most. That point cannot be lost. It is happening because large vessels are coming in from other counties around Europe. International corporations are driving this. They are sucking up the fish. They are doing it in the most unsustainable way imaginable. The science is telling us that we are now at a stage when much of the fishing stock is depleted to a dangerous degree. Nobody is arguing that point. The problem is that the other sector that is in a catastrophic situation is that of the Irish fisherman and fisherwoman. They are going to suffer as a consequence of the greed of major corporations. That is one of the big problems that many people in Ireland and across Europe have with the European Union. It seems that the rich and powerful can make all the decisions and ordinary people are left to carry the can. It is time these people were left to carry their own bloody can. The ordinary people cannot take it any longer. The fishing communities around the coast cannot take it any longer. They will simply be devastated. I acknowledge that efforts were made and that the Minister of State feels he was betrayed in all of this. We do not understand why the leaders of the Government, the Taoiseach and Tánaiste, did not step up to the plate. The leaders of other countries in the European Union stood up but our leaders did not. They did not come in strongly to support rural fishing communities around Ireland. It is simply going to be devastating if this is allowed to stand. The Minister of State has the support of everyone in the House. We need Government to make a strong stand for fishing communities. Unfortunately that has not happened to date. It has to change. I expect that we will see a change in the new year in how Government approaches this industry and that we will have the industry's back. Government will step forward and make a strong stand for the communities that have been devastated by the greed of a small number of international corporations, which seem to be more powerful than Ireland when it comes to this. The concept of the European Union as a place where everyone would work together for the benefit of all seems to be set aside when it comes to these corporate interests. The way they are able to wield their power and the huge lobby they have in Brussels and other places is absolutely devastating for ordinary communities around the country. I also see it in the agriculture sector when it comes to Mercosur. It is the very same thing. The big corporates are driving it forward and to hell with everyone else. Governments have a responsibility to the people who elect them and who need reassurance that they can have a future too and that all cannot be stolen from their plate. I appeal to the Minister of State and the Government to step forward, make that strong stand and recognise the devastation this has for fishing communities and other communities in coastal areas. This is going to affect a serious number of jobs. Our processing industry cannot survive on three or four weeks' work a year. Those factories are simply going to close. This is an opportunity for Government to really show its grit and it must do that.

Irish seas have been sold and our coastal communities are paying the price. Our seas are among our most valuable natural resources, yet they are being exploited under a system that fails to protect coastal communities, marine biodiversity and the long-term sustainability of our fisheries. The presence of Norwegian, Icelandic and Faroe Islands vessels in Irish waters is a stark reminder of how weak our current controls are and how urgently they need reform. Foreign fleets now catch approximately 85% of all fish landed from Irish waters. Despite controlling about 12% of EU waters, Ireland receives less than 6% of the quotas. For decades, successive Governments have treated our fishing industry as expendable. When Ireland joined the EEC in 1973, our marine resources were traded away so that other sectors could benefit. That betrayal unfortunately continues today. Just this week, Irish fishers learned that they will forfeit even more of their already depleted quota, another blow to rural and coastal jobs caused by Government and, particularly, EU indifference and EU deals that serve everyone but us. At the EU Agriculture and Fisheries Council meeting last week, a deal was struck that will see Ireland lose 57,000 tonnes of quota for 2026, a loss valued at around €94 million rising to €200 million in knock-on effects, threatening approximately 2,300 coastal jobs. These foreign fleets often target high-value species like blue whiting and mackerel, operating under quota arrangements negotiated at EU level. While these deals are presented as reciprocal, the reality is that Ireland gains little compared to what we give away. Our own fishers face strict quotas and shrinking margins while foreign super trawlers, some the size of football pitches, extract enormous volumes of fish from Irish waters. This is not just an economic injustice; this is an environmental and a social one. Industrial-scale fishing puts pressure on stocks, disrupts ecosystems and undermines the sustainability commitments we claim to uphold. The Hague preferences, which exist to protect our fleet when there are periods of severe quota downturn, should have been invoked for Ireland at this meeting. I acknowledge the work the Minister of State has done at Europe to try to get our neighbours to invoke them. As others have said, unfortunately he could have done with more support from more senior levels but I appreciate the work he put into it. The triggering criteria were met for the Hague preferences, yet a group of EU member states with larger fishing fleets than Ireland blocked it. This represents the first time the Hague preferences were blocked in 50 years, blocked by our neighbours. This is an issue of sovereignty and fairness. Coastal communities in Donegal, Galway and Cork depend on fishing for livelihoods, yet they are squeezed by policies that prioritise corporate interests and international deals over local resilience. Rural Ireland is hollowing out. Clubs cannot field teams and young people are emigrating because Government after Government has sacrificed fisheries for short-term gain. Better controls do not have to equal isolationism. We need stricter monitoring of foreign vessels, real-time reporting of catches, and enforcement that ensures compliance with sustainability standards. Ireland should push for renegotiation of quota sharing arrangements so that benefits flow back to Irish communities, not just to multinational operators. Investments in our own processing capacity and small-scale fisheries would create jobs and keep value local, rather than exporting it along with the fish. At a time climate and biodiversity crises demand urgent action, continuing to allow industrial fleets unfettered access is indefensible. Ireland must stand up for its marine resources, its workers and its environment. Stronger controls are not just a policy choice; they are a matter of justice. The survival of our coastal communities relies on them. We need to see a return of the Hague preferences to Ireland and we need to see it now. We really cannot accept this from Europe and I hope the Minister of State will fight very strongly for that. I also want to discuss what really underpins our fisheries, though. It would be remiss not to do so. Earlier this week a TD said that one of the problems is that for the first time, Europe has actually accepted the scientific advice that was given to it, which squeezed the quotas even further. For years, Europe has not accepted the scientific advice and has given out quotas that were way larger than what populations could withstand. That is one of the reasons we are in this situation. There are biological limits as to what we can fish. When Europe is estimating the overall number and quota of fish, it absolutely has to be led by science in that regard. Within that framework and the umbrella of what is available, Ireland has never received its fair share of that quota. However, I absolutely accept that there needs to be a quota system that stays within the biological limits of the populations because it just makes sense. If we overfish and there are not enough mature fish in a population, there will not be enough young fish coming along. That is a key element. What we are witnessing now is the impact of overfishing by all countries. Norway, the Faroe Islands and Iceland have access to those stocks as well. We are being squeezed from that perspective and it is regrettable. For years we have ignored pure population realities when it comes to fish stocks. One of the impacts we are going to see from this, which the Minister of State mentioned, is the squeezing of our inshore fisheries. We have to be really conscious of that. I understand the Government is coming up with a package that will be available and very welcome for the larger fishers. It is really important that inshore fisheries and people who fish inshore are protected and that there is not a further reduction of what is available to them because they are already being squeezed. We are very aware of that. It is way past time that we see the marine protected area legislation. It has been promised for a long time. I know the process has been changed and it will be pulled in under the designated maritime area plan, DMAP, legislation, which I do not agree with. We really need movement on that legislation. Only through marine protected areas will we protect our fish, fish stocks and our inshore and offshore fishers. That is the only way. If we do not have fish, there will be no fishermen. That is just the reality. It is really important that those inshore fishers are incorporated when the legislation is being developed and that it is very much a partnership with them. Similar to when we talk about farmers, they are the ones who are the custodians of our marine resource. They are the ones who have the knowledge. When I chat to fishermen and hear their stories, they are so in tune with what happens at sea and what is happening with different stocks. They can give the reasons for the changes in the different stocks and the shifts in the dynamics. It is important that we work with them. There is a cultural element to this. For inshore fishers and the islanders, it is a core part of who we are and who we were. As a nation, we have turned our face away from the marine far too much. We need to start appreciating and valuing our marine resources and making sure they will be available not just to this generation of fishers but also to the generation after and the generation after that. There is so much of our cultural heritage tied up in those communities. We cannot allow them to be diminished any further than they are. The Minister of State may be able to fill us in when he is responding, but we need to know when the marine protected area legislation is coming to the committee and when we can start the engagement with the different stakeholders on it. There are so many examples we can look at where it was done well and so many examples where it was not done well. It is important to learn from other countries. Interestingly, I have engaged a little with some people in the marine sector in Florida. A simple change in the size of particular fish that were eligible to be caught has resulted in such life being brought back to the coast of Florida that it is just incredible. This was driven by anglers. They pushed for this legislation. The state is now able to free up or lessen that regulation a little bit because it has brought those seas back to life. That is the thing; we need to look at MPAs in some instances as more of a short-term or emergency measure to allow those areas to get back to where they were and then, potentially, look to allowing more fishing or other activities in. We need to deal with this like it is an emergency because it is from a biodiversity and nature perspective and from a tourism perspective. We are seeing now that the way of life of fishers who rely on this for their livelihoods, as their fathers and fathers and fathers and fathers did, is at risk. It is important that we protect it. The marine protected area Bill is the way to do that. I look forward to hearing the Minister of State's comments. I acknowledge the work he has done. I know he went over there with the absolute intention of being firm and strong and winning that debate. It appears, unfortunately, that our European neighbours were not willing to work with us on that, but there are other things we can do to push it as much as we can.

I recognise in the Gallery the representatives of the sector, including the Irish Fish Producers Organisation, IFPO; the Irish South and East Fish Producers Organisation, ISEFPO; and the Irish Fish Processors and Exporters Association, IFPEA. They are here this evening and that is significant. They are extremely concerned. They spent most of last week in Brussels. They were there when the Minister of State met with them prior to the Council and during the Council to brief them fully. I want to clear up this one. As a result of the presentation by the Sea-Fisheries Protection Authority, SFPA, at the Joint Committee on Fisheries and Maritime Affairs a few weeks ago, I felt it necessary to table a question to the Minister for Agriculture, Food and the Marine. It would have been dealt with in the office of the Minister of State with responsibility for the marine, Deputy Dooley. I asked about the plans to review the Sea-Fisheries and Maritime Jurisdiction Act 2006 in view of the appearance of the SFPA before the joint committee. I wanted an answer to my question about the review or overhaul of the Act. The reply I received did not deal with the question. Instead, it told me everything I already knew about the SFPA. I ask the Minister of State to insist that his staff in the Department deal with the question that is asked. I will leave it at that. This has been a very black week. It is going to be a black year for the Irish fishing sector in 2026 with the drastic reduction in the quotas of demersal and pelagic fish. Why are we in this position? Of course there is overfishing. There is no overfishing by this country. Having been involved in fisheries in the processing sector, as Minister of State and as a TD for Donegal, I can put my hand on my heart and say I have never witnessed any quantity of blackfish being landed. The industry knows that if it lands blackfish, it reduces the value of all the other fish, so it is careful enough to ensure that does not happen. As others have pointed out, those who are responsible for this now are Norway, Iceland, the Faroe Islands and the United Kingdom. We sat in this Chamber and listened attentively to Michel Barnier when he spoke about Brexit and emphasised the importance of Ireland remaining in the EU and the loss to the UK of not remaining in the EU. It may have been a loss generally to the UK, but it is a major advantage to its fishing sector that it is now outside of the EU. The result of that is fish valued at hundreds of thousands of euro. When I met the former Commissioner in the dining room here afterwards, I put it to him that I was extremely concerned for the future of this sector. He told me, in his capacity as the chief negotiator between Europe and the UK, I could be absolutely sure that fish and trade would be inextricably linked, and fish would be protected. I was naive enough, even then, to believe the man. He obviously had a French hat on rather than the European hat of someone working in the interest of all the European countries. I listened to my Donegal colleague, Deputy Mac Lochlainn, naming a number of companies in Europe. I took the opportunity to ring the office of Parlevliet in Holland - I have had the number for a long time - and I said I wanted to speak to them. They came back to me very quickly and gave me an email address. I will be expressing my views. They are in business, which means they are out to look after their own interests. I take the view that this is a monopoly. There should be some European commission that could look at how a company from a certain country can go into the countries at the other end of Europe - Poland and elsewhere - and have a quota that is much greater than that of many of large European states. There is a monopoly, whether it be Parlevliet, Van der Plas or Van der Zwan, all of which I knew in a former life. There is a misconception about the Hague preferences, which were first introduced in 1976. We remember that they had to be invoked over the years, but that was only since 1988. The Hague preferences were included in the total allowed and the quotas for Ireland until 1988. After that, they had to be invoked. I recall in 2004 and 2006 having to travel to the UK in advance of Council meetings to prevail upon Ben Bradshaw, who had the fisheries portfolio at that time and with whom I had a good relationship. Things have changed so much since then. We are having difficulties with foreign vessels coming into this country. I want to demonstrate and I want the Minister of State to demonstrate to our European colleagues that Ireland takes its fishing seriously and takes conservation seriously. The Government needs to make it clear that no common control plan will be renewed for Belgium or France in 2026. They will have to weigh each and every fish on the piers and at the harbours in the same way our people have to. It is a Common Fisheries Policy. I ask the Minister of State to direct as policy that all factory vessels fishing in our waters will be subject to the same CCTV recording as Irish vessels. When our fish are weighed, they are largely weighed in 10 kg boxes or blocks. They should be weighed under the same regulations on those vessels but what are those fishers doing? They are putting in 22 or 23 boxes so, instead of landing of 100%, they are landing 110% or 120%. It is not good enough. They are circumventing EU rules. We must ensure there are CCTV cameras on those vessels as well and that we have access to them. It should be remembered that, as of 1 January next, all of the records in our factories have to be maintained for a period of six months. As a matter of policy, Ireland must stop swapping our kilowatt days to other countries, especially in the whitefish segment. This allows those countries to increase their fishing efforts in our waters. A national policy needs to be put in place that provides better monitoring and oversight of Belgian beamers fishing in the Irish sea and Dutch factory ships fishing scad, horse mackerel, off the west coast. These vessels are recording zero bycatches. That is bizarre. How can they be recording that? These are the countries that are overfishing. Ireland needs to progress more conservation of areas, including the closure of nephrops grounds during spawning periods. A closure for the horse mackerel spawning period needs to be considered to preserve stocks. When it comes to issues affecting fish stocks, we are not the culprits. As I referred to at the start, I am disappointed. Was it a question of efficiency or a deliberate decision to ignore the question I asked? I believe I speak for all of my colleagues on the fisheries committee when I say there should be a full and complete reform of the SFPA. That is urgently required. What is a minor offence in Europe is a criminal offence here. When I came back into this House again in 2016, I saw a statutory instrument affecting penalty points being laid before the House. I will not go into the detail but I pioneered the overturning of that instrument, a first in the history of this State and of this House. I got that through this House. Of course, my back was not out the door when my own party went into government in 2020. I will speak about one of the first things that was done. The file was presented to two Ministers, who were unfortunately only in place for a short time. I refer to Barry Cowen and the Minister, Deputy Dara Calleary. They did not deal with it. They wanted to find a political solution. However, the leader of my party, who was acting as Minister for fisheries in the intervening period, had the file put under his nose and signed it, overturning the earlier decision. I do not know who will be here the longest but I doubt whoever it is will ever see a statutory instrument being overturned in the way I pioneered. What was done was wrong and I cannot blame anyone but those in my party. We need to set up a new office to engage with the European Commission. I recommend that to the Minister of State. The Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, referred to the establishment of a working group. I know he worked very hard and made tremendous efforts. He met various ministers in Europe and contacted others. However, he was not successful. Those are the very same people who should be seen to help the smaller countries but they are taking advantage of the oceans off the coast of Ireland. The Minister of State is setting up a working group under the auspices of Food Vision 2030 to develop a framework of supports. As we have said all along, it is not funding we need but fish. We are now in a dire situation. All of those in the industry, whether producers, processors or those working in the factories, need to be represented. I also recommended that the Minister of State should get the banks involved, if possible. The banks must now freeze any repayments that fishermen are unable to pay. These will build up with interest and the banks have a duty to assist. They did enough damage over the years in making money available to those who possibly should not have got it in other sectors. The Minister of State should do that. I am glad to hear that he has recommended the appointment of a chairman and that all of the sectors will be involved. Those who are working in the factories should also be involved in this. I will give the Minister of State the facts. As a result of the Brexit deal, we lost 26% of the value of our quotas overnight in December 2020. I made reference to Michel Barnier, who was largely responsible for that, but I do not blame him alone. I blame the Government of the day and the Ministers of that time, whether the Minister for Foreign Affairs or the Minister for the marine. They should never have allowed that to happen. They did it in the interests of mother Ireland but, for the second or perhaps umpteenth time, they threw the fishing sector under the bus. We entered the European Union in 1973. Of course, over the years, we have had major benefits as a result, culminating in the opening of a market of over 500 million people for the export of our goods and services, but who paid the price? The fishing industry paid the price then and it is now paying the price once more. There is a Council meeting tomorrow. I know it is all arranged in advance but, as I have said before, even though the agenda has been set, when the Taoiseach goes to Brussels tomorrow, he should raise this issue with his counterparts from all of the European states under any other business. That would indicate the importance of the matter. I have also tabled a question to the Taoiseach to find out who he contacted prior to the decision on fisheries because he did say that he would make efforts to make contact. I know what the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, has done. I will get a reply to a parliamentary question to him but I am also awaiting a reply from the Taoiseach as to whom he contacted. Did he contact the Danes, who hold the Presidency? What other countries did he contact? If that had happened, they may have taken a different attitude. It is very unfair that a blocking minority of a few of the larger countries can block us from getting the Hague preferences. They have been in place since 1976 and never had to be invoked because, from 1976 to 1988, they were always included in the TAC. That was also the case from 1988 onwards. As I have said, I had experience of that in the past. Some will say that we will have the Presidency next year and that we will review the Common Fisheries Policy. We can talk about reviews but reviews will end up in the same percentage of the cake going to the various countries involved. The Minister of State mentioned something. I hope he will put it on the table. We should try it. However, I have seen reviews, including mid-term reviews, come and go without any iota of change being made. Tá áthas orm an deis seo a fháil chun an cheist thábhachtach seo a phlé, cé gur phléigh muid í i gcoiste na n-iascach ag tús na seachtaine. Beidh muidne ag cur béime ar an cheist seo thar ceann thionscal na hiascaireachta, na n-iascairí, na monarchana, na ndaoine atá ag obair sna monarchana agus na ndaoine eile atá ag brath ar thionscal na hiascaireachta. Beimid ag coinneáil súil ghéar ar an Aire Stáit, an Teachta Timmy Dooley, agus ag tabhairt lán-tacaíochta dó agus é ag déanamh a dhícheall thar ceann an tionscail seo.

What we have seen over the past few weeks is an absolute and abject failure of the Common Fisheries Policy. Even the 1996 Hague preferences have failed. That was the very mechanism that was set up to guarantee Ireland a minimum level of fish to catch in our own waters. That is what it would have meant. However, France, Germany, Poland and the Netherlands banded together to ensure that not even a boat could be taken on it. The truth is that Ireland's fishing industry has suffered a death by a thousand cuts. I come from Mayo, a huge coastal county. I have watched it over the years. Along with the fishing families, I have watched huge trawlers behave absolutely recklessly because they were legally allowed to do it. Then, we have the criminalisation of fishermen and fishing families at the same time. What has happened here should not a surprise to us but it is an absolute shock. It is a shock to the system and it is a shock that has to be corrected. The truth is that the EU has failed Ireland's fishing industry repeatedly but so has the Government. The EU got used to successive governments allowing it to happen over and over again. As Sinn Féin's fisheries spokesperson, Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn, said earlier, the EU-based corporations were allegedly complicit in investing in fleets in third countries and benefiting from inflated quotas while fishing families and fishing communities here have to suffer. We need a radical reset of the fishing industry and of fishing across the board. I also take the opportunity to tell the Minister of State what is happening and to ask him to come to Mayo to meet with the anglers and the draft net licence holders there. What Government is attempting to do is to put an absolute blanket ban on fishing. Even if we take the Moy complex of 60 miles of rivers, 12 fisheries, 115 rivers and 20 lakes, will the Minister of State put what he is proposing to do for the coming season on hold to have proper consultation with the fishermen and the tourism bodies and to have a proper impact assessment on what he is proposing to do there? Will he please put it on hold while this consultation takes place to hear the severe impact this would have? It cannot be allowed to happen.

The Irish fishing industry and coastal communities are well-used to being the whipping boy over many years and much of this has been put on record. Taking the statement from the Seafood Ireland Alliance, it states that the EU Fisheries Council deal was "a betrayal of Ireland's fishing industry". One of the alliance members said that "the failure delivers a €94 million hit and threatens the survival of many Irish vessels and seafood businesses" and that "the consequences will be catastrophic". The alliance reports that the Irish fishing industry will have 57,000 tonnes less quota to fish in 2026 and is now at risk. It said over 2,300 jobs in costal communities face immediate danger and the wider impacts could reach €200 million loss next year. As another of its members stated: "Non-EU states ignored science and inflated their catches. They created this crisis. Ireland fished responsibly, yet we now carry what are proportionately the heaviest losses." Another said that "less quota means less fish and less work" and that "many plants may not survive this blow without raw material” while another stated that "we now have a situation when our fleet of fishing vessels are left with 28 tonnes of sole to catch in 2026 on the south coast of Ireland, when Belgium has 450 tonnes." The alliance statement concluded by saying: "Once again as in Brexit, Ireland has been left carrying a burden created by others. This is unjust and shows the European Union in a very bad light in its failure to protect the interests of small Member States." Deputy Conway-Walsh asked what the Minister of State is going to do. What we have here is abject failure. Whether I am talking about those who fish out of Dundalk or those in Clogherhead, we are looking at absolute disaster. This is ground zero and we need an answer. There has been abject failure by the European Union and the Government needs to stand up. At this point, these people's backs are to the wall and they need some element of support.

I welcome representatives from the fishing industry who are here in the Gallery today, particularly John Lynch from Howth. The Fisheries Council meeting which took place in Brussels last week can be described as nothing short of a disaster for Ireland’s fishing industry. It is extremely important that we put into perspective how much Irish society relies on the fishing industry. More than 15,000 people are working in the seafood sector, there are 101 seafood processors, and the industry contributes €1.3 billion to our economy annually. Critically, it provides Irish people with food security. Those who work in our seafood sector, be it on the water itself or in the processing sector on land, ensure Irish people have reliable and consistent access to food. We can not underestimate the importance of this, given the current geopolitical climate and the weaponisation of food in some corners of the globe. The outcome of the Fisheries Council places all of this at risk. Fishing organisations estimate that the EU fishing quotas could cost up to 2,300 jobs. What are these people to do? The fishing industry is all they know. Are they expected to learn a new trade and no longer follow their family’s tradition? What will this cost the State when these people have no access to income and must seek assistance from the Department of Social Protection? What destruction will this cause to coastal communities right across Ireland? The industry will have approximately 57,000 tonnes less to fish next year and is facing a quota reduction to the value of €94 million and a possible loss of €200 million when we consider processing, logistics and export. This is simply devastating. We must be honest here and call out the countries which orchestrated this attack on Ireland. Clearly, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Poland, Belgium, Latvia and Denmark have their fingerprints all over this orchestrated attack on the Irish fishing industry. These larger countries are attempting to bully Ireland and we must not let them. Let us not forget that these are the countries that have benefited the most from Ireland paying 40% of the transfers to the UK to retain access to UK waters in the aftermath of Brexit. We must have a return as a matter of urgency to the Hague preferences and we must stand up to these countries and to Europe. The European Commission has failed to uphold its obligation to deliver an agreed and balanced outcome and has offered no support to a smaller member state such as Ireland that has been effectively overpowered by a dominant blocking minority. I urge the Minister and the Taoiseach to consider formally writing to the Commission or the President of the Council to restate that the Hague preferences form an integral part of the Common Fisheries Policy. The Hague preferences were designed to provide Ireland with safeguards in the event of declining fish stocks in return for permitting other member states to fish within Ireland’s EEZ. That understanding has now been undermined and Ireland should notify the Commission that, as a consequence, the Common Fishery Policy will cease to apply from 1 January 2026, with Irish waters closed to all states other than the UK from that date. Responsibility for the mackerel dispute rests squarely with Norway, the Faroe Islands, Iceland and Russia, all of which have unilaterally set mackerel quotas far in excess of their historical entitlements. The Commission has repeatedly failed to address this situation by not leveraging access to EU markets as an effective means of enforcement. Our permanent representation in Brussels also has to stand up and fight this. We also have to properly equip our Defence Forces so that they have the real, practical capacity to prevent overfishing. This means ensuring our Naval Service has the vessels, technology and personnel required to patrol our waters effectively, enforce quotas and hold those who are breaking the rules to account. If we are serious about the sustainability of the fishing industry, about protecting fish stocks for future generations, and about defending the livelihoods of our coastal communities, then enforcement cannot be an afterthought. We must consider all of our options here and not allow ourselves to be bullied by a minority group who think they can throw their weight around. The industry will be decimated otherwise. Thousands of jobs are at risk here. We owe it to those people to act and to ensure that their livelihoods are protected.

I am glad to have the opportunity to contribute to this debate. At the outset, I acknowledge the huge efforts the Minister of State made personally, along with his team, in the negotiation field in the past few weeks. Every effort was made by the Minister of State and his team to try to get a good deal for Ireland. What has really happened here is a ganging up of other European countries. We often talk in this political arena about how there can be paralysis of decision-making in the United Nations and in that whole political sphere. When it comes to fishing, there certainly was a ganging-up against Irish fishermen the other night. Neither the State, the Minister of State nor his Department can be faulted for that. What is at stake here is very serious. If we are to believe the analysis of the past few days, the fallout of this could see up to one in seven jobs in fishing being lost, with a €94 million loss and a huge shock to the industry overall. Several things are happening in the sphere of agri-fisheries at the moment. The nitrates derogation has been extended for a three-year period. The Mercosur deal will potentially be voted on in the coming days. I am no expert whatsoever on fisheries. We need the context as to where this development fits with all the other issues that are subject to negotiation at this time. There is a real fear among the farming community that in spite of Ireland saying vociferously time and again that it has a whole set of concerns regarding Mercosur, the position still is not clear. There is even some talk that member states could vote on it by the end of the week. To put Mercosur in context, 85% of farming in my county of Clare is based on suckler beef. It is the beef heartland of Ireland. As the Minister of State knows well, most cattle reared in County Clare are on pasture for seven or eight months of the year before being housed and fed silage concentrates or hay, although the latter is less common these days. This produces a superior quality of animal. There are Bord Bia checks, annual tuberculosis tests and genomic testing. A high-quality, healthy, environmentally produced beef animal then enters the food chain after approximately two years. That contrasts very sharply with the type of animal being reared in the South American system, where rainforests are being felled en masse, artificially creating pasture where it never existed, and cattle are housed for month upon mouth and fed with grain and concentrate, fattening them artificially to get a higher market price. None of that sits congruently with the Irish system of a grass-fed animal making its way through the local mart as a weanling, then being fattened up and entering the beef chain after two years. It is wrong under any lens, whether the lens of quality of beef or the environmental lens, that Ireland should even consider signing up to the Mercosur deal. Everything is of consequence here. A good deal was struck for Ireland in the past few days on the nitrates directive. Then we were sold a pup by other European states in terms of fishing quotas. In a matter of days, potentially, if it is not postponed until February, we will have a vote on Mercosur. I asked earlier at Questions on Policy or Legislation what Ireland's position is on Mercosur and, in particular, how these three different negotiated schemes fit together. People will say they are separate, as they undoubtedly are, but that is not how European politics works. Different member states will have their advisers, ministers and negotiating teams horse trading in these negotiations. Given where we had been at with the nitrates directive and where the fisheries deal ended up landing despite everyone's best efforts, I fear we will sign up to Mercosur. I strongly caution against it.

I stood with colleagues across the House two short months ago to ask the Minister of State to ensure the Government would start standing up to the EU and demanding fairness and justice for Irish fishing communities. Following the recent outcome of the EU's Agriculture and Fisheries Council, that demand is clearly being put to the test. This outcome is disastrous for our fishing industry. We need the Government to protect our fishermen and coastal communities, particularly those in the west, which is already recognised by the EU as a region that is underdeveloped and lagging behind other parts of Europe. In real terms, we are looking at vessels that could be at sea for fewer than ten or 12 days a year and factories that once worked three to five months a year down to two or three weeks. Fish processing is a major employer in Galway, particularly in Connemara, and this would have a devastating effect on jobs in an area that is already struggling in terms of employment. Fishers in Galway are looking for the Government to expand the quota. This outcome would do just the opposite. We cannot afford to take this without a fight. Bhí an tAire Stáit atá freagrach as an iascaireacht i Ros an Mhíl le déanaí liom féin agus le daoine eile agus is eol dó cé chomh tábhachtach atá cúrsaí iascaireachta in iarthar na hÉireann, i gConamara agus ar na hoileáin amach ón gcósta. Tá a fhios againn go mbeadh sé uafásach dá gcuirfí na hathruithe seo ar chuala muid fúthu ón Aontas Eorpach i bhfeidhm. Tá sé thar am don Rialtas seo agus don Aire Stáit seasamh suas don Aontas Eorpach ar mhaithe leis na ceantair atá ag brath ar iascaireacht agus ar mhaithe leis na hiascairí iad féin agus a gcuid teaghlach. Tá sé fíorthábhachtach go ndéanfadh an tAire Stáit chuile shórt gur féidir leis chun an bealach maireachtála seo a chosaint chomh maith leis an eacnamaíocht atá ag brath air, is é sin, an eacnamaíocht ar fud iarthar na hÉireann agus ar an gcósta. Impím ar an Aire Stáit chuile shórt gur féidir leis a dhéanamh chun a chinntiú nach gcuirtear na hathruithe seo i bhfeidhm.

The EU has failed Ireland's fishing industry repeatedly and we are once more paying the price for the chronic overfishing of shared stocks by big boats from third countries. The recent EU fisheries deal from Brussels is a betrayal of the fishing industry and has been described as catastrophic. We are talking about 2,300 community jobs in coastal communities, including in Arklow and Courtown, being in immediate danger. The Seafood Ireland Alliance has estimated a loss of €94 million to our fishing industry, with wider economic impacts reaching up to €200 million by next year. We need a radical reset of the meek approach of the Government. The Taoiseach and the Tánaiste must urgently intervene to make it clear Ireland will not stand for this. We need to know whether the Government, for once, will stand up for Ireland and passionately represent the interests of Ireland in the EU, not the other way around of slavishly representing the EU's interests in Ireland. We are an island and a seafaring nation, with our people travelling as far away as Iceland for more than 1,000 years. Following last Saturday's Brussels sellout, this is the darkest hour for the Irish fishing industry. I have often referred in this Chamber to Arklow fisherman CJ Gaffney and his family. Their situation typifies the Government's do-nothing approach. A family and their livelihood are destroyed and this has been going on for 16 years. There was repeated advice that there are funds available to compensate them but that the Government must draw them down. Seven successive Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil Governments have been repeatedly requested to do so but, it seems, they simply did not want to draw down the funds. One might ask why. It would cost the Government nothing to do so. Is it because it might highlight the lack of interest of the previous seven Governments and previous Ministers? I do not know. I will leave that for others to decide. I am looking across at the bronze statues of people I assume we are supposed to be honouring in this Chamber. I see Cathal Brugha in front of me, Pádraig Pearse trasna anseo, Tom Clarke trasna ansin agus ar an taobh eile uaimse, James Connolly. I wonder what they would think of an approach that always seems to be about selling Ireland short or selling it out. Ceapaim go mbeadh náire orthu.

I welcome to the Gallery representatives of the fishing sector. I see Patrick Murphy, whom I met on Sunday, and others there. They have always had the heart of the fisherman at the forefront of their efforts. Fishers are going through a dreadful situation. The previous speaker referred to a sellout but, in fact, we did not sell out; what we had was taken away from us. If we got something for it, that might be something, but we did not. We find ourselves in a farcical situation and it has been heading that way for a long time. It has been going that way since I came into the House ten years ago. We have been turning a blind eye to small things like fuel rebates. We were calling for action and asking the Minister to look for it in Europe. No chance of that. Why bother? We are letting on to be the weak link in Europe in relation to fishing. I was very pleased when the Minister of State was appointed to his role with responsibility for fisheries. I always see huge potential in regard to fishing and I always felt fishers were thrown to the dogs but I welcomed his appointment. I know he was out there fighting his case last week but the question must be asked as to where the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and the Minister were. The Minister of State cannot stand on his own in these incredibly difficult times. When the power of the mighty is hanging like a rod over his head, it is impossible to do this on his own. They were missing in action. That is basically what happened. I know the Minister of State cannot agree with me, but they are the facts. I have been saying it for long enough here. I said it during Brexit when Barnier - to be honest, he does not deserve to be called by his first name - pulled a fast stroke on us. I pleaded with the Taoiseach and Tánaiste at the time to enter into negotiations on behalf of Ireland. It should have been the leadership of this country and not thrown over to a Frenchman to look after Irish fishing interests. We knew where that was going to go, as we all found out. I thank the Ceann Comhairle and the Chief Whip for allowing this debate, which I immediately sought on Friday night. We sent an e-mail and in fairness, over the weekend the Chief Whip and the Ceann Comhairle worked towards making sure that there was a debate and to give people a chance. Like I said yesterday, even the dogs in the street know that Ireland has always been badly treated by Europe when it comes to its fishermen. Déjà vu is once again upon us, whereby the Christmas present from Europe is the betrayal of our coastal communities. I was here when Michel Barnier gave us his word that Ireland would get a fair deal from the Brexit negotiations. As we know, he was the one who threw us under the bus. I think he has done it again this time. What we seem to forget is that the Government of the day signed up to it warning that a "No" deal was worse, but the problem for our coastal communities is that it could not be worse. We were an island nation rich with fish. Once fish were swimming up to the rocks all around our island, supporting the thousands of fishing families. Boats were on every island and filling coastal piers. This was the picture when we joined Europe in 1973. In 1976, our so-called friends in Europe set about drafting a plan, which is now known as the Common Fisheries Policy. They told us that we must regulate the fishing fleets of Europe to - guess what - protect these valuable fish stocks. They asked each country to record the fish that every fisherman was catching, while the others were already hoovering up the fish in our waters. The result was that we the Irish, with our seas full of our fish, made it so our fishermen stayed at home. We did not need to travel very far to fill our boats, only 12 miles out from our rugged shoreline. Foreign vessels were also fishing and filling their boats and sailing home out of Irish fishing grounds with Irish fish. When the figures that were collected were analysed, Ireland had little or nothing in comparison to the visiting fleets, which had it all. They said we would have to be given the opportunity to build and grow. Was that not nice of them? They set quotas to protect our abundant seas and that changed to total allowable catch, limiting each fleet to their historic records. They promised us it would ensure we would all have plenty of fish if we followed the rules. Relative stability was created. This was introduced for the benefit of coastal communities. Figures and percentages were set. They told us that when the number of fish increased, the fishermen would get to catch more. Ireland and England were given an assurance that if the plentiful stocks decreased due to overfishing, we would not suffer the same cuts as those visiting our waters, especially when they had the bigger share to begin with. They called this the Hague preferences. All agreed that this was necessary to ensure once again the relative stability for the island nations that gave access to the other foreign fleets into their sovereign waters. The Minister of State should stop me if I am wrong. This was the reality for 49 years until last Friday. Now Belgian beam trawlers can leave their ports, enter Irish waters and take home 400 tonnes of black sole, while our fishermen get 28 tonnes. Like I said, it is déjà vu: English fishermen after Brexit got 99% of Irish sea herring and we got a miserable 1%. I have some questions for the Minister of State. Will he stand with Irish fishermen and their families that go back generations? They have lost loved ones to the sea. Will he stand with those in our coastal communities who earn their living from the fish landed by our hard-working, brave and honest fishermen? Will he challenge this wrong, once and for all, and put his own people first? Does he and this Government even want us to have a fishing fleet going forward? Given that the Hague preferences were formally invoked by Ireland, lawfully blocked by a minority number of four member states, and resulted in severe quota losses for Irish fishing communities, will the Minister of State accept the political responsibility for the outcome of those negotiations and outline what he will do differently to ensure this situation is reversed? Will the Minister of State confirm that he and his officials formally invoked the Hague preferences? Could he tell us who blocked them, the minority of four member states and the cost that will fall on our country? What action did he take at Council level once it became clear that Ireland's legal safeguard was being denied? Is it not true that foreign countries are already benefiting to the tune of 85% of the stocks in Ireland's waters, and will this now increase? This is what I call theft: the application of the Hague preferences was to prevent a disproportionate impact on Ireland's pelagic and small-scale fishing fleets. Now we know the cuts are even greater, what will he do for our fishermen to stop them from losing their livelihoods and Ireland from losing its fish supply? Independent Ireland calls on the Minister of State and his Department to immediately look at the socio-economic impact this will have, not just on Ireland's seafood industry but on each category of vessel, based on its size, and the individual opportunities for the coming year, 2026. Now that it is established without doubt that the Common Fisheries Policy has failed in its legal obligations to the people of Ireland, will the Minister of State seek compensation from Europe for our coastal communities that are most dependent on these stocks, and that have been decimated by the fleets pillaging our waters? Does he believe, as I do, that we have the right to retain a viable, sustainable fishing industry ,or is it the right of mainland member states to take so much that it destroys the resource itself? My final questions relate to why some countries with so little to lose stood against us. In the Minister of State's meeting with his Polish colleague, did he give an explanation as to why for the first time in 49 years, they chose in 2026 to deny our right to invoke the Hague preferences?

The Deputy should conclude.

I have very little time. This has to be appealed in every court in our land and in Europe. We have to stand up to them. It is up to the Minister of State. It is up to Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. It is up to this Government to now stand with Irish fishermen. If it does not, and we see that happen in the next month, it will be an abject failure and the Government will be to blame.

This has been one of the worst deals in living memory when it comes to the Common Fisheries Policy. Irish fish are effectively being stolen by the European Union, which is what is happening. We are on the periphery of Europe. We have ceded so much ground to our counterparts across Europe. Some 57,000 tonnes of quota will be lost to Irish fishermen next year, which will affect more than 2,000 jobs. I was very concerned when I heard the Minister of State's statement about going to the national Exchequer for a compensation scheme. Our first priority must be to go back to Europe and, if necessary, to initiate legal proceedings in the European Court of Justice to ensure the Hague preferences are guaranteed. We must protect fishers, our indigenous sector and the coastline. A compensation scheme may be necessary but I urge him as a first step to work across Europe to gain support and to issue legal proceedings in this regard. We cannot and must not accept this. Irish fishermen would be better off to register as Belgians, Dutch, Germans or French and to fly their flags over their vessels than our own, in our own waters. I spoke to a fisherman yesterday who said his vessel will be docked in the harbour while he watches the Germans and the French come in with their vessels, take our fish and load their articulated trucks and go back to Europe. That is what is happening. That is what happened last Friday night. It is unacceptable. I urge the Minister of State to fight for our coastal communities. There is a 70% reduction in mackerel, a 41% reduction in blue whiting and a 22% reduction in boarfish. What makes this so egregious is that there was a long-standing agreement and safeguard, which was discarded last Friday night. It is the same safeguard the Government will talk about when it comes to the Mercosur trade deal: "we have a safeguard lads, there is no need to worry." We saw how the safeguard was disregarded last Friday. The fear I have with the Mercosur trade deal is that the safeguard and backstop is no safeguard whatsoever. In fact, beef prices could fall by almost 50% over a five-year period and no handbrake would be pulled in relation to this. We must reject the deal. We cannot accept it. I ask the Minister of State to go back to the European Court of Justice and make sure that we get a fair deal for Irish fishermen in Irish waters.

I join colleagues in expressing my deep disappointment at the decision taken by a group of EU member states to block that deployment of the Hague preferences for higher proportional quotas. That decision has left Ireland uniquely exposed to nearly 70% loss in the allowable catch for mackerel in this country, a reduction that would have been mitigated by this long-standing and agreed protection mechanism for Ireland. Mackerel is Ireland's most valuable catch, worth €94 million in exports last year to premium European and Asian markets. This reduction in quota will slash that figure by a huge amount - €82 million plus in one year - with combined losses to the wider economy in terms of processing and other activities being considerably higher. I know that catch limits have consistently exceeded levels recommended by conservationists and action has to be taken to replenish mackerel stocks in particular. However, it is not Irish coastal communities that have caused this devastating reduction. According to NAPA's figures recently, in one week alone in 2023, Norwegian vessels caught over 40,000 tonnes of mackerel. They caught over 40,000 tonnes of mackerel in one week alone. That single week's haul is worth more than Ireland's total allowable catch for all of 2025 and almost four times the recommended quota for 2026 under this deal. Very big numbers are being taken by other states. Ireland will undoubtedly be hit harder by these charges than these other states, yet it is Ireland that pays the price for their unsustainable fishing practices. I know, as does the Minister of State, just how important fishing is for our coastal communities. The Minister of State visited Howth harbour, in my constituency, with me and he was welcome there. He is always welcome to come out. It demonstrates the role this sector plays in sustaining the vibrancy of small but well-defined coastal communities. Howth is one of six big fisheries, as the Minister of State knows. I thank him for his visit. He saw the thriving local economy, supported by the harbour. Everything that happens around the harbour, commercial businesses, the activity in the harbour itself, seafood restaurants and tourism, leisure and all the other activities, are supported by the harbour itself. Communities like Howth will need meaningful supports over the coming months to respond appropriately to these challenges. I welcome the Minister of State's indication that he will bring a memo to Cabinet to start to try to address the fallout of this discussion while we continue to fight the case abroad. The significant support that we provide to farmers and to the agrifood sector must be replicated for fisheries. There is no choice. We have to do it. Fisheries are vital to the future of the country and to the communities that rely on them for their livelihood in so many different ways. Trust seems to have disintegrated between Ireland and the EU on fisheries policies. It looks like some of the larger member states have effectively prioritised their Mediterranean fleets and activities and failed to honour that protection mechanism that has been fundamental to the Atlantic-facing Irish fishing industry for so long. It is hard to avoid the conclusion that we are being pushed around by larger member states into accepting outcomes that favour larger fishing nations. The Minister of State has my full support and my colleagues' full support to continue to fight the cause on this issue for the communities that we represent. I encourage him again to bring that memo to Cabinet so we can support communities.

As the Minister of State is well aware, our maritime territory is one of the largest in the EU. It is a vast resource ten times the size of our landmass. Given this scale, Ireland should be a leader in European fisheries. Our beef and dairy farmers have set the golden standard on the world stage. There is no reason our fishing industry should not be the same. Yet since the 1983 Common Fisheries Policy, our coastal communities have been relegated to second class status within the EU. We have seen preferential treatment granted to other member states. We have watched as third country vessels operate brazenly in our water, often overfishing with little to no consequences. Now, we face the latest betrayal, the threat of deeper quota cuts, combined by the blocking of the Hague preferences by our so-called EU partners. This is a mechanism designed to protect vulnerable nations like Ireland. This is not just a policy adjustment; it puts over 2,000 jobs in our coastal communities at immediate risk. The knock-on effect will cripple towns and villages already stretched to their limit by depopulation and economic neglect. What is becoming clear is that Ireland's primary producers are under attack. We see it in the Mercosur deal - a threat to flood our markets with substandard beef, undermining our farmers and the standards of food on our shelves. We see it here in the calculated move to deny Ireland its fair share and its rightful protections. The spirit of mutual co-operation and respect upon which the EU was founded is being broken. It is time for this Government to move beyond polite requests and to take a firm stance.

We can all agree that the decision to vote against Ireland on the Hague preferences by the so-called EU member states is a statement of intent. With a stroke of a pen, they have devastated the Irish fishing industry. Off the coast of my own County Wexford, Irish vessels are left with 28 tonnes of sole, while Belgium has 450 tonnes. In fact, in one week, the Norwegian fleet caught 40,000 tonnes of mackerel, the entire quota allowed for the Irish fleet. The trend goes on. Fishers are getting a raw and unjust deal. The facts are in black and white. Number one is the devastating quota cuts - 57,000 tonnes less in 2026, an estimated loss of €200 million a year, and the threat of a loss of 2,300 direct jobs. Number two is the Hague preferences were undermined. Number three is the monopolisation of the fishing industry by the so-called big five. The influence they wield in European Union circles is not questioned, yet they hold more sway than our own Government. Has the Minister or the Tánaiste questioned this or called for an investigation into these nefarious lobbying practices? Will the Minister seek legal advice and legally challenge the dismissal of the 49-year-old Hague preference agreement that protected and recognises Ireland's right to its territorial waters and the fish that is caught there as a natural resource belonging to the Irish people? Surely there is a clear case of custom and practice here. Surely there is a case to bring this before the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague. The Irish fishers accept the scientific findings, but they are rightly infuriated by the inflated quotas given to countries that are not members of the EU, yet these countries benefit while our own Irish fleet are the ones paying the ultimate penalties for something they did not do. Fishers across the country, including my own maritime County Wexford, want to know what is plan B. Is there any plan B? What life supports are being put in place? What legal actions, if any, are being taken on the Hague preference agreement? Will there be an investigation on how the big five are able to influence EU policy?

I am glad to get the opportunity to talk about this very serious matter. When we talk about fishermen, we are talking about an awful lot of people. We are talking about coastal communities and people who depend on it so much to eke a living. It is often dangerous and contrary. People have gone through a lot to put the fleets that they have together. To think that in some room somewhere with a stroke of a pen that we can destroy up to 2,300 jobs in the fishing industry in our own country is one of the most serious things that has happened since I came to Dáil Éireann in 2016. I might be a small bit away from the sea, but I am not that far. I have known all my life people like Michael Orpen and all those people who did so much to employ people from Castletownbere all the way over along and down into Cahersiveen and back to Dingle. So many people have given so much to the industry and employed so many people. This is going to finish us altogether. People were not happy with the fishing they had. It is about three years since I have seen a mackerel. We know for a long time that something has gone wrong and now this complicates it further. I am telling the Minister and Minister of State that we cannot accept this. They will have to pull out all the stops whatever it takes. It will not do to do it here. They have go into whatever room this is decided in and threaten them with everything. We have more miles of seashore in our little country. It was one of the biggest industries we had. It was actually the English who taught us how to fish back in the 1600s. We complained about them a lot over the years but this is one of the good things they did but we have let it go and that is not satisfactory in their eyes, my eyes or anyone's eyes. To think that there will be foreign vessels fishing off our shores and fellas will be standing on the seashore looking out at them is not fair. I am asking the Minister and the Minister of State to ensure that they work together with the Taoiseach, the Tánaiste and all the Ministers to ensure that whatever veto they can use is used or whatever they can do is done because their fate and our fate will be decided if this is going to be the end result of it. We have had the short straw since we joined the European Union but this is cause enough for me anyway to say that we will have to withdraw from a lot of their carry-on if we are going to lose our own fishing waters. Since we joined the EU, we have not had the benefit of them totally like we should have had. We saw a demonstration when we were in the convention centre during Covid. The fishing fleet came up the river and represented themselves so correctly and so properly. Nobody had the one story. The fishermen all had their own different stories and they were very interesting to listen to. Sadly, whatever has happened now has superseded all that for the worse. It is not good enough for people. When fishermen are affected, many coastal communities are affected. Everyone was getting a bit out of it, including the shopkeeper, the publican, the garage, fitters and the small processors. This is going to be devastating. The one thing I was very proud of was seeing lorry after lorry coming from Castletownbere going up through our village in the dark of night and maybe going down again in the middle of the night. They seem to operate at night because the road is so bad, they can see the lights and it is safer it for them to travel at night. We appreciate them for the work they have been doing diligently and without any error. It is nothing that Ireland has done. We have not let Europe down but we are being taken to the cleaners. Christmas Day is coming. It will be here in less than a week but the Minister and the Minister of State cannot sit down during that time. They have to ensure they put a strategy in place to teach them a lesson that they cannot come into Irish waters. We own them. That is the starting point. They should only be let in if we let them in. They should be threatened with whatever bit of artillery we have because it is our property, our coastline, our jobs and our people who are being affected. It is time that we stood up and took no more of their bull because that is what they are giving us. They are giving us nothing and we are just begging for everything - begging for the derogation and begging for Mercosur. We are entitled to live as well as the Brazilians or anyone else that is interfering with our markets. They are interfering with our commodity here in fish that has been cleaned out and we just stand idly by. That cannot happen. I am asking the Minister and the Minister of State to work together to ensure that it does not happen. I welcome the gentlemen in the Public Gallery. They are concerned and we are all concerned with them. We have to stand with them. We have to do something more drastic than what we are doing because we have not been good enough up to now. We were taken to the cleaners and I am asking the Government to put an end to it once and for all. This is more serious than any other thing that has happened in the past 15 or 20 years because we were bad enough up until then but now we have been cleaned out altogether. I am very upset about this. It is a very serious matter for people whose lives depend on it.

I thank Deputies for their contributions and the Minister of State for his contribution earlier in the session, for being here for the entire debate and for his ongoing stellar work in what has been a really difficult year. I also recognise also the presence of representatives of industry. I thank them for being in Brussels last week. It was good to meet with them over there. I also thank them also for their close collaboration. Their close work with the Minister of State has given us the best chance to work together as well as we can in what has been a really difficult time. The range and the passion in the contributions speak to the importance this issue holds in our rural coastal communities. It is important to remember that Ireland has received 120,000 tonnes of quota to fish for 2026. This is a reduction from last year of valuable stocks such as mackerel and nephrops but we will ensure that this quota is managed carefully. The quota management advisory committee, which includes representatives of all sectors of the industry, the marine agencies and my Department, has already engaged on planning for 2026. While cognisant of the impact the reduction of quarter for important species will have on our fleet, we also need to be conscious of the potential impact of reduced quota on our inshore fleet. The reduction in quota from pelagic species like mackerel and blue whiting is unlikely to shift additional focus to non-quota stocks in the short term. However, it will have an impact on the price of bait. The sector reports that bait accounts for approximately 20% of inshore vessel expenses. The development of alternative sources of bait is vitally important in supporting the inshore sector's viability. BIM and ATU Galway are working on innovative solutions, including green crab-based bait blocks. Initial trials have shown promising results with further testing planned in 2026. A common theme of the contributions has been the implication of Ireland's Hague preferences. We need to be clear as we were last week on what the Hague preferences are. To recap, the Hague preference system recognises Ireland's heavy dependency on the stocks in the waters around Ireland and the fact that we have relatively low quota entitlements to these stocks, particularly whitefish, under the Common Fisheries Policy. The system grants Ireland a larger share of certain stocks when the absolute amounts allocated via the relative stability share fall below a certain level. This was to mitigate the low residence stability share Ireland that was achieved by Ireland's underdeveloped sector based on the track record in the years immediately after accession in 1973 and considering the substantial additional waters available to the EEC-EU when Ireland expanded its exclusive economic zone from 1976 onwards. The Hague preferences are based on commitments made in annex 7 of the Council resolution on 3 November 1976 - the Hague resolution - to take account of the vital needs of communities that were especially dependent on fishing when allocating fishing quotas to each of the member states. This commitment was later quantified as specified minimum quantities of quota for certain fish stocks to be allocated to certain fisheries-dependent communities. The regions to which they applied were Ireland and northern parts of the UK. The Hague preferences are invoked during the annual TAC and quota process. They have to be agreed by member states of the December council and are often the subject of difficult negotiations. Following the UK's withdrawal from the, EU Ireland is the only member state that benefits from these preferences. While the additional quota benefits Irish fishers, it must come from somewhere else. The countries affected by this were Belgium, Denmark, France, the Netherlands, Germany and, to a modest extent, Poland. However, other than mackerel, it has a very low impact on Germany and Netherlands. There has been strong opposition from some member states to the principle of the Hague preferences. These member states argued that they were taken into account when allocation keys were first established in 1983. With the Common Fisheries Policy framework regulation, the Hague preferences are recognised as forming part of relative stability in the allocation of fish stocks between member states. Ireland has consistently and successfully argued that relative stability has therefore to be applied when taking due account of prior Hague agreements. However, these were the subject of a European Court of Justice judgment in 1998, which convinced some member states the application of the Hague preferences takes place at the discretion of the Council rather than being an automatic legal entitlement for Ireland. A key question both this afternoon and at the committee yesterday was what legal action Ireland will take in respect of the exclusion of Ireland's Hague preferences from the compromise text. The Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, was quite clear at the committee yesterday, and I echo his view, that legal advice will be sought on any and all further actions that may be possible. We will consider that advice carefully. However, the more important message from our fishing sector is that it wants fish. Fish must be managed sustainably as when a stock is depleted, it will stay that way unless we take actions to support its regrowth. The Minister of State has outlined the most recent development in relation to the total allowable catch of mackerel in the Atlantic. We will engage closely with the EU while it considers its position in light of the recent actions by Norway, the UK, Iceland and the Faroes. Meanwhile, we must recognise that our fishing and seafood sector must be supported through this very difficult time. Having had a number of engagements with the sector over the past two weeks, both with An Taoiseach and before the Council in Brussels, I am clear that despite the resilience shown by the sector, a whole-of-government approach is required to support it through this particular challenge. Both I and the Minister of State have committed to engaging with colleagues across Government to assess what framework of supports may be available to the seafood sector, to explore options within the constraints of the EU and national Exchequer funding and relevant EU and national legislation, in particular, taking account of the constraints that can arise from EU state aid rules for the fisheries sector. I have discussed at Cabinet the need to establish a working group under the auspices of our Food Vision 2030 strategy to advance this commitment. A key priority for the food vision-seafood group will be to ensure that a platform of economic, environmental and social sustainability supports is available to the fisheries and seafood processing sectors and their coastal communities. The new group will be chaired by an independent chair and will include representatives from the fishing organisations, aquaculture, seafood processing organisations, my Department and its agencies, and other relevant Departments and agencies. I, along with the Minister of State, will determine the terms of reference for the food vision-seafood group. We will appoint that independent chair and will request nominations for membership from relevant Departments and agencies. It is intended to hold the first meeting of the group in January 2026. The programme for Government, Securing Ireland's Future, commits to securing a sustainable future for the fisheries sector, while supporting coastal communities that rely on this activity for their livelihood. Both I and the Minister of State will lead the charge on that work drawing on the support of all Government colleagues. We will work together across Government to deliver on this commitment.