2026-01-14

I move: "That the Bill be now read a Second Time." I am pleased to introduce the Gas Safety (Amendment) Bill 2026 to the House. The Bill makes crucial amendments to the Electricity Regulation Act 1999 to improve the safety of the operation, monitoring, maintenance and use of natural gas, NG, and liquefied petroleum gas, LPG, in Ireland. The regulation of natural gas markets and undertakings, gas installers and LPG undertakings serving domestic customers via piped distribution networks are responsibilities of the Commission for Regulation of Utilities, CRU. Undertakings are licensed by the CRU in accordance with the gas safety framework, a set of rules that is currently on a non-statutory basis. In 2016, the CRU was alerted to the existence of unlicensed LPG networks serving domestic customers. These networks fell outside of the existing definition of an LPG undertaking and thereby were not subject to the CRU’s licensing regime. The CRU carried out inspections and inquiries and issued instructions requiring improvements to networks’ safety practices. In its report on the issue, the CRU recommended legislative change to bring these networks under the licensing regime. This Bill addresses this by introducing a new LPG safety licence, a class 2 licence, for operators making LPG available through fewer than ten piped distribution networks for use by individual domestic customers. This new class of licence is suited to the needs of smaller operators. A lower application fee will be required, with holders of licences bound to adhere to safety requirements outlined by the CRU in the regulations. Smaller operators are not required to prepare a resource-intensive safety case but all operators of heretofore unregulated LPG networks are brought into the regulatory framework to ensure the safety of consumers and the general public. I will run through the key measures included in this Bill. The gas safety framework is to be put on a statutory basis. This Bill will strengthen CRU’s safety remit over domestic LPG and natural gas networks including through the introduction of an LPG safety licence, the class 2 licence I mentioned. Definitions of natural gas and LPG incidents are broadened to include near-miss or precursor events. The Bill strengthens the powers of the CRU to specify gas undertakings’ emergency response requirements. The powers of gas safety officers, GSOs, and gas emergency officer, GEOs, are strengthened. This will include powers to obtain warrants for entry into land and dwellings and provisions for reimbursement for damage caused in the execution of their duties. Provisions for the transition to the new statutory safety regime are made. This includes grandfathering existing NG and LPG safety cases, provisions for the continuity of service of GEOs appointed by Gas Networks Ireland and for the termination of appointments of GEOs appointed by LPG undertakings, and provisions for the continuity of service of GSOs and the continued validity of their inspections and investigations. The Oireachtas Joint Committee on Environment and Climate Action issued its report on pre-legislative scrutiny of this Bill in March 2024. In June and July 2025, my Department conducted a targeted consultation on the draft of this Bill. The legislation has benefited from the input of the CRU, Liquid Gas Ireland, Gas Networks Ireland, the Department of Enterprise, Tourism and Employment and the Health and Safety Authority. The Bill will result in no additional costs to the Exchequer. The Electricity Regulation Act 1999 enables the statutory functions of the CRU to be funded through a levy to be paid each year by industry. I will now take Deputies through the Bill to outline the purpose of each of its 23 sections. Section 1 identifies the principal Act, the Electricity Regulation Act 1999. Section 2 amends the principal Act’s definitions of “LPG incident”, and inserts a definition of "natural gas incident", to include near-miss or precursor events. The definition of “LPG undertaking” is amended to capture previously unregulated third party LPG undertakings serving domestic customers. The definition of “LPG safety licence” is altered to include LPG safety licences issued heretofore as well as the new class 1 and class 2 safety licences provided for under section 9 of this Bill. This section also provides new definitions of terms giving effect to the transition to the new statutory safety regime. Section 3 grants the CRU powers to specify requirements for an emergency response service to be provided by classes of LPG suppliers to class 2 licensed networks. It also updates CRU functions to take any necessary and reasonable action in the public interest in relation to gas safety. Section 4 grants the CRU powers to make regulations relating to gas safety including requiring LPG undertakings to provide an emergency response service to LPG customers. Regulations will outline the obligations of smaller operators holding LPG safety licences, class 2 licences, to assist emergency responders and to develop and share emergency plans. Section 5 provides rules concerning the appointment of gas emergency officers by the CRU or by a licensed gas transmission system operator and provides that GEOs are to be suitably qualified persons with the necessary expertise and experience. The conditions for the use of GEO powers are clarified and provision is made for the reimbursement of reasonable costs and expenses for damages that may be caused in the execution of their duties as well as for an arbitration in case of dispute. GEOs are obliged to issue reports on their entry onto land via their powers. Section 6 provides rules concerning the appointment of GSOs who likewise must be suitably qualified persons with the necessary expertise and experience. The scope of a GSO’s power to enter into land or dwellings to investigate alleged contraventions of the principal Act, natural gas incidents, LPG incidents or other occurrences involving natural gas or LPG is more explicitly defined. GSOs are empowered to obtain a court warrant to enter onto land and into dwellings if required. GSOs are required to provide notice of any materials removed from or modifications made to land in pursuance of their powers and provision is made for the issuance of such a warrant by a judge of the District Court. Section 6 also provides that the use of GSO powers to enter and inspect land requires the GSO to hold the opinion that there is or may be an imminent risk of bodily harm, threat to life or damage to property. Provision is made for the reimbursement of reasonable costs for damages that may be caused by GSOs in the execution of their duties, as well as for arbitration in case of a dispute. Section 7 amends the circumstances in which the CRU may require an undertaking to submit an improvement plan, making reference to a failure to comply with safety cases, conditions of safety permits or a prescribed duty, requirement or obligation. Section 8 amends the circumstances in which the CRU may serve an undertaking with an improvement notice, making reference to failure to operate in accordance with the LPG or natural gas safety framework, safety cases, conditions of safety permits or a prescribed duty, requirement or obligation. The 21-day waiting period before the CRU may serve such a notice is removed. Section 9 distinguishes between two classes of LPG safety licence. An LPG safety licence, class 1, is required to make LPG available for ten or more piped distribution networks for use by individual domestic customers. An LPG safety licence, class 2, is required for fewer than ten such networks. Pre-existing LPG safety licences are deemed to be LPG safety licences, class 1. The section allows the CRU to require a person who has applied for a LPG safety licence, class 2, to apply for a class 1 LPG licence in the interest of safety on the basis of several technical grounds. Section 10 provides for an appeals process for disputes arising from the CRU’s decisions with respect to LPG safety licences, outlining the terms according to which the Minister may appoint an appeals officer. Section 11 enables the CRU to make regulations, including in respect of certain events in the definitions of "natural gas incident" and "LPG incident", and to make regulations on their reporting and investigation. This enables the definition, and the CRU regulations, to include "near-miss" or "precursor" incidents. Contravention of penal regulations in regard to these is an offence. Section 12 enables the Minister to designate activities to fall under the new statutory safety permit regime for natural gas undertakings and provides for a penalty for persons carrying out designated natural gas activities without a safety permit. It also requires the CRU to prepare guidelines for the preparation of safety cases, which natural gas undertakings are required to submit to receive a safety permit. Safety cases have a maximum review period of five years, except in the case of certain activities that the CRU decides can have longer review periods, if appropriate. A duty is placed on undertakings to conform with their safety cases, and penalties for the failure to do so are provided for in the legislation. The CRU will determine the form of a safety permit, may attach conditions to a safety permit and may refuse or revoke a safety permit subject to appeals procedures. Public access to accepted safety cases associated with safety permits is provided for. A transitional provision grandfathers safety cases for natural gas activities that currently exist under the administrative regime set out in the principal Act. Section 13 introduces a duty on natural gas undertakings to ensure that natural gas activities, and the design, construction, installation, maintenance, modification, operation and decommissioning of natural gas infrastructure, are carried out in such a way as to reduce risk to a level that is as low as reasonably possible. Section 14 provides rule- and regulation-making powers for safety cases pertaining to LPG undertakings. Section 15 concerns the obligations of holders of the new LPG safety licence, class 2. The CRU is given the power to make regulations prescribing duties, requirements or obligations with which the holders of such licences must comply. Contravention is a penal offence. The section also introduces a duty on LPG undertakings to ensure that LPG activity and the design, construction, installation, maintenance, modification, operation and decommissioning of LPG infrastructure are carried out in a way that reduces risk to a level that is as low as possible. Section 16 removes the 21-day waiting period before the CRU may serve a safety improvement notice on petroleum undertakings in order to reflect the practice with respect to natural gas and LPG undertakings. Section 17 extends the power of the CRU to make levy orders on energy or petroleum undertakings or holders of LPG safety licences to meet expenses arising from compensation for damage caused by GEOs in the pursuance of their duties. Sections 18 and 19 revoke regulations that will be made redundant by the passage of the Bill. Section 20 provides for the continuity of service of GEOs appointed by Gas Networks Ireland. Any existing GEOs appointed by LPG undertakings will have their appointments terminated to allow the CRU to now make these appointments. It provides for the continuity of service of GSOs appointed prior to the passage of the Bill. Section 22 provides for the continued validity of ongoing inspections and investigations by GSOs under section 9J of the principal Act.

The Minister of State at the Department of Justice, Home Affairs and Migration, Deputy Niall Collins, has a group in from his constituency.

Excellent.

I welcome them all to the Public Gallery. They are here at the invitation of the Minister of State.

Excellent. They are very welcome.

I hope they enjoy their day here in Leinster House.

They have come for the right debate.

Deputy Ryan O’Meara has another group. It is important to acknowledge them all as they look in on our democratic process.

Absolutely. Deputy McGuinness is the Chair and can do as he wishes. They are all very welcome.

I am sorry for interrupting.

Not at all.

The Minister need not start again.

Is the Chair sure?

He can just start from where he left off.

Section 23 provides for the Bill's Short Title. It allows for the collective citation and construction of the Electricity Regulation Acts 1999 to 2026 and enables the Minister to commence the Bill by order. I look forward to working with Deputies to progress the Bill, which is relatively technical. The changes it makes will make crucial improvements to the safety regulation of natural gas and LPG for operators, consumers and, importantly, the public. It will modernise our safety regime and bring currently unregulated operators into the fold of the regulatory system. I commend it to the House.

I agree that this is largely technical. As the Minister said, it deals with issues such as the role and appointment of GEOs, their various powers to enter land, the 21-day waiting period, the determination of the form of a safety permit, and the transition or grandfathering provisions. I welcome the fact the Minister is committed to working with Deputies to progress the Bill because some more work will need to be done on it as it progresses through the Houses. On the surface, the Bill does look technical, with the 23 sections and key provisions about introducing the licensing framework, new safety permits, etc., but if you scratch beneath the surface and dig a little deeper, you find it deals with something more fundamental, namely, safety, including safety in our homes and the safety of our businesses and communities. Natural gas and LPG are used in thousands of homes and businesses across the country. I understand 12,000 households are dependent on LNG for their heating and a staggering 600,0000 use natural gas. For those who can neither afford nor access an alternative source to heat their homes, this is not just about fuel; rather, it is about their lifelines. If these systems are unsafe or fail, the consequences can be catastrophic and lives are put at risk, as we have seen on a number of occasions, particularly over the past ten years. I agree that we need strong legislation and robust regulation but strong legislation is not just about rushing something through and hoping for the best, especially when it has been the subject of considerable criticism from within the industry. The industry feels the Government has failed to address this. Therefore, we need to get it right. The system must be workable, enforceable and resourced. Resourcing is crucial and safety must not be compromised. There is no dispute on any side, following the Oireachtas committee proceedings of 2024, but that reform is urgently needed. Serious concerns were identified by the regulator, the CRU, ten years ago. At the time, 70 unlicensed LPG networks were serving apartments. The complexes varied in size from three apartments to 60 apartments, and from three houses to 64 houses, with pipelines. They were all operating outside any regulatory framework. That is obviously unacceptable given the safety concerns. Strengthening safety regulation is, of course, the correct thing to do. The concern expressed to us, recognised by the CRU itself in 2020, was that to make its new system workable under a new class of LPG license, it would need to establish a new regulatory framework to govern the unlicensed LPG networks identified, including through requesting the Minister to amend primary legislation to bring all LPG distribution network operators within the definition of an LPG undertaking, as the Minister has addressed in his speech, and also through developing a new class of safety license and operator handbook to govern this new class of license. The CRU also recognised the importance of consultation with experts within the industry. There is concern, however, that these conditions have not been met. Some industry representatives say what is proposed is not fit for purpose and warn that if implemented in its current form, it could do the opposite of its stated intention by creating new safety risks rather than resolving the existing issues. The gas safety supervisory body, GSSB, is responsible for ensuring all domestic gas installers meet safety standards through registration and supervision to protect the public. The CRU then appoints the organisations to this role through a tender for contract. Until 2022, as mentioned by the Minister, the gas safety supervisory body was managed by RGI-Safe Electric, a not-for-profit organisation which the industry said had the experience and credibility to fulfil this role. The contract was then awarded to Safe Energy Ireland, SEI, whose parent company is SPS Global. To ease that transition, it adopted the RGI logo, so it seemed there was not a huge change. However, some gas installers I spoke to said there was insufficient experience in gas or electrical supervision. As the gas safety supervisory body, its remit is also now expanded to cover natural gas and LPG. I am told that the first year under SEI management was highly problematic, with issues about ID cards, certificates, management processes, email systems and registrations. I have even heard of resignations by inspectors from SEI who joined to facilitate the introduction of non-domestic gas regulations, but felt they had to leave due to safety concerns. For over a decade, the CRU has promised to introduce non-domestic gas regulation, but the deadlines have been missed. Now, with the Bill going through, there has been criticism. Inspectors say there are gaps in the legislation. The Installer Representative Panel is an organisation that advocates for the interests of registered gas installers. Its mandate is to engage with the CRU and the GSSB to drive change and resolve the challenges within the industry, including ensuring best practice safety standards. Significantly, the panel opposed the CRU’s proposal on non-domestic gas installation in 2023-24 as it felt it was unworkable. The deadline was missed. Subsequently, the CRU revised the criteria document, sending it for public consultation, but it is said that key stakeholders, including the Irish Hotels Federation, the catering association and the restaurant industry, were not adequately informed about the impact of these changes. I understand the public consultation has not yet been published. The CRU should have amended the criteria document to include changes to registration procedures and new entrant categories. A dedicated body was expected to manage these updates, but we await its establishment. Similarly, a modification secretary intended to oversee document revisions has not been appointed, I am told. The CRU has also attempted to introduce electronic gas certification, claiming it would be operational from January of this year, but that is still not in place. When this was introduced for domestic installers last year, industry representatives claimed it did not work properly. Training for domestic and non-domestic gas is insufficient, particularly following the closure of the Cork training college, although I understand the College of Further Education and Training in Limerick still operates training. Efforts to promote an all-island training agenda, supported by training centres in the North, have not been accepted by the CRU. I ask it to reconsider and review that decision. There are serious risks associated with this Bill. As the Minister said, he looks forward to working with the Opposition and other TDs on it. We are waiting for the dedicated body, for the modifications secretary to oversee the document revisions and for the training and inspection procedures, given there is no recognition of prior learning, RPL, in place. These are the backbone of a functioning safety regime. With them, we hope that international best practice can flow. Even if the Bill were perfect on paper, we need proper resourcing. The CRU has been handed responsibility after responsibility, but it is struggling to meet its existing obligations. Rules only matter if they can be enforced. Without that, regulation is nothing more than window dressing. As I am sharing my time with other Sinn Féin TDs, I will have to conclude shortly. However, it would be remiss of me not to take this opportunity to mention one issue that is as fundamental as safety, and that is energy affordability. As I have mentioned, there are 600,000 homes in the State that use natural gas and 12,000 use LNG. They are being ripped off and are paying much more than in other European states. Up to 200,000 households are in arrears on their gas bills, which is one household in every three. Even more, 300,000, are in arrears on their electricity bills. This is the highest figure the State has ever seen. Meanwhile, supports have been ripped away and carbon taxes have been increased. Some of those who were vociferously against carbon tax, including the Healy-Raes, are now in support of it. Therefore, people are paying much higher prices for heat and transport in a cost-of-living crisis. Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, the Healy-Raes and the Regional Independents did this in the context of energy companies raising their prices despite the fact prices are falling in other European countries. What did the Government do? It did nothing. It failed to hold the energy companies to account by sitting on its hands and letting them off the hook. That is not fairness. That is failure. I once again call on the Government to do what is needed. It should introduce cost-of-living measures, withdraw the carbon tax increases and adopt Sinn Féin’s proposals to address the fundamental flaws in our energy system so that household energy bills come down for good. In conclusion, and to return to the issue at hand, we support strong safety regulation, and we support updating the law so that it is fit for purpose. I look forward to working with the Minister.

The Deputy strayed a little from the Bill.

Slightly.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this technical Bill. While my party and I recognise the importance of this Bill, there are still outstanding issues that Sinn Féin and others see with the legislation as it currently stands. It should be said that any Bill that intends to strengthen safety regulation for natural and liquified petroleum gas should be welcomed. It is imperative that we keep with international best practice in relation to safety processes and procedures when it comes to natural and liquified petroleum gas sites. It is clear there is a need for regulatory reform. As it stands, however, this Bill needs more attention. It is noteworthy that the Bill has been ten years in the making. It is disappointing that after all the time spent on the important reforms to the Electricity Regulation Act, industry representatives feel that engagement with them has been minimal. Concerns have been raised with the Minister on several occasions and have ultimately been ignored. Some of those concerns include the fact that there is no RPL board and no modification secretary, and that the registered gas installers are appointed as the inspection body when their inspectors are not even trained on non-domestic installation. The latest consultation has not been published. There is no transparency. There is a feeling that this whole Bill is being rushed through without the proper safeguards in place. Sinn Féin is, therefore, calling on the Government to address the issues that we and industry experts have been highlighting. We cannot have a situation where the Government drafts a Bill that is intended to increase safety regulation for natural and liquified petroleum gas but ends up creating loopholes for non-domestic installers. These are the kinds of unintended consequences that we may see as a result of this insufficient Bill. Another key issue concerns the Commission for Regulation of Utilities. The CRU has been under-resourced for many years in different areas. Specifically, on the question of natural and liquified petroleum gas, further expertise is required within the CRU to oversee this. That is critical for safety. However, it is also critical that natural and liquefied petroleum gas is more affordable. According to the 2022 census, over 600,000 Irish households use natural gas as their fuel for central heating, up from 550,000 in 2011 – I am one of those users. Yet, last summer, the Government increased the carbon tax again, placing a further burden on thousands of households already struggling with a cost-of-living crisis. Irish households are currently paying €360 a year more than our European counterparts. It is no wonder there are more than 300,000 people in energy arrears. By September 2025, electricity prices were over four times higher than in January 1996. It is scandalous. The people are being totally fleeced by profit-hungry energy companies. Meanwhile, they are faced with a Government that has no desire to stop it and a regulator that has been rendered powerless to do anything about it. While it is important that we are weaning people off fossil fuels, it beggars belief that the Government would increase carbon taxes when it is doing very little to switch us to renewable energy, and making that the acceptable and easy choice for households. Households are already on the brink. Over the Christmas period, I had many visitors to my constituency office who could not afford their ever-increasing energy bills. We have heard these stories repeatedly with people choosing between eating and heating and not knowing whether they can afford to throw another log onto the fire during the cold winter and wearing multiple layers. What kind of a society do we live in where we cannot even keep our people warm? I remember when I was growing up you would hear about old age pensioners getting on the bus to keep warm. Are we really going to be getting back to that? The elderly, children and people with disabilities have repeatedly called on the Government to implement an emergency winter payment to offset the effects of the austerity budget of last year. It is time for the Government and the regulator to tackle this issue head on. The Government should adopt the Sinn Féin proposals and enact our legislation to hold energy companies to account, to reinstate energy credits, to decouple the link between gas and electricity prices and to work towards Irish independence through the roll-out of renewables. This crisis is not inevitable. Solving it is a matter of will and political choice which this Government seems unwilling to make.

The safe distribution and operation of fuels such as natural gas and LPG is of significant importance. Tens of thousands of households across the State rely on natural gas and LPG as their main source of heating and it is important that the networks which they use on a daily basis are up to standard and appropriately regulated for safety. I welcome the intention and progression of this technical update but, as my party colleagues have outlined, there are serious flaws in this legislation, and it does come ten years after the initial concerns were discovered. While the distribution of home heating fuels must be safe, it is also important that it is affordable. The Government has failed to protect households from rising costs through its withdrawal of the energy credits and its inability to hold energy companies to account for this rip-off. As a consequence, we have over 300,000 households in energy arrears as of last October - households who have been left to fend for themselves as costs continue to soar. This is a choice by the Government. It could stand up to these companies, empower the regulator and reform the pricing structures, but it has consistently refused to do so. It has done nothing. When it comes to the carbon tax, the Government has deliberately made the cost of home heating, petrol and diesel more expensive for households. We know the carbon tax is a regressive, deeply unfair tax and has a massive impact on people in rural communities and the west of Ireland, in particular, where in many areas the alternatives simply do not exist. However, the Government is going to continue hiking these taxes until 2030 at least. The reality is that the effects of recent carbon tax increases and the increases planned over the years to come will have the most severe impact on the most vulnerable households. This comes with the support of Regional Independent Group TDs who spent many years speaking out against carbon tax increases yet when a Government job came into sight, they became silent. When he was in opposition, the Minister of State, Deputy Seán Canney said that rural Ireland was not being treated fairly when it comes to the carbon tax. He said that rural Ireland does not have the benefit of public transport and the Government was adding insult to injury by increasing the cost of running a car. I wonder whether the Minister of State, Deputy Canney, held the same view when he voted to increase the same carbon tax in the latest budget or if a ministerial job changed his mind. Time after time the Government has defended carbon tax increases by saying that the funding is essential for the delivery of climate action programmes. We know from the public accounts committee that this is not true. The fact of the matter is that carbon tax funds are not ring-fenced for such measures but are treated the same as any other general taxation. The Government has little idea at all where the carbon tax people pay is actually spent. It is time for the Government to recognise the reality for households across the State and give them a break. Working people and families are in desperate need of support to pay their energy bills. They need the Minister to reverse his cruel decision to scrap energy credits. They need him to scrap the carbon tax increases and end the energy rip-off by standing up to the big energy companies.

I wish the Minister a happy new year. What a glamorous topic we have to kick off the new year here. We have lost our audience in the Gallery already. We might forgive our friends on the Sinn Féin benches for veering off topic slightly. This is a very technical Bill but we are talking about safety and this legislation deserves careful consideration and examination by all of us in the House. The changes contained in this Bill are important. The Labour Party is broadly supportive of them. The vital work of the Commission for Regulation of Utilities often goes under the radar - perhaps thankfully since its work is often invisible, stepping in before problems arise. However, we do not need to be reminded of the seriousness of what we are talking about here. The regulation of our gas, electricity and water networks keeps us all safe. We are sadly too familiar with the deadly consequences that can occur when something goes wrong. It is crucial that those who are doing the work of keeping citizens safe from those risks have the proper legislative backing they need. They need to be able to put the proper systems in place to effectively regulate and enforce safety measures. As the CRU has made clear, it is important to note that this legislation is not a reaction to any specific gas or LPG safety incident that has occurred. This is, therefore, the fruit of good pre-emptive work, identifying potential problems before they arise and stepping in to take the action needed. However, while this Bill comes to us as the result of years of good work by the CRU and others, that in itself poses a question as to why it took so long to get here. The genesis of this legislation goes back to 2016 when the CRU was alerted to the existence of approximately 70 unlicensed LPG networks serving domestic customers. That is a decade ago. This was an issue that posed real safety risks to the public. As the CRU said, there were significant safety concerns for a number of these sites. The work of the CRU mitigated those risks in the immediate term, with interventions carried out on 16% of the sites to make them safe. In other cases, a gas safety officer issued instructions to the network operators with required actions to ensure the networks conformed with the relevant safety standards within a timescale. The fact remains that the existence of unregulated gas networks in Ireland poses a real safety risk, and that is why we are debating this legislation at all. The Government itself acknowledged this, telling us that given the imperative of public safety, this Bill is being treated as priority. Of course, the development and drafting of any legislation is complex and time-consuming. That is particularly true of a technical Bill like this one. The CRU consulted on the new regulatory regime to come into force and the Government engaged with external expertise on how to proceed. There was a pandemic and two general elections in the meantime. Even with all that in mind, what does it say about how we do legislation in this place that an important technical but nonetheless relatively narrow change to the law takes the best part of a decade to achieve? Where public safety is concerned, it is just not good enough that necessary changes like this take this long. This issue was raised at pre-legislative scrutiny when the committee's report "expressed concern regarding the relatively long period of time it has taken to propose this legislation, given that the issue it seeks to remedy was first identified in 2016". I would welcome the Minister's view on this, and would like to hear the Government's view on how we can ensure that crucial legislation dealing with public safety cannot be held up by delays. There are, of course, other elements of this Bill that are not directly concerned with the issue of non-regulated LPG networks. It introduces a penal offence for natural gas and LPG undertakings for failure to conform with a safety case, puts in place a requirement for gas undertakings to hold a safety permit and safety case for any given activity they carry out and puts the gas safety framework on a statutory basis. Importantly, the Bill strengthens the powers of the CRU in a number of areas, including on the appointment of gas safety officers and gas emergency officers and on the designation of natural gas and LPG activities under the new statutory regulatory regime. It seems certain that taken in the round, this Bill will place an additional administrative burden on the work of the CRU. The CRU, of course, has consulted and taken a key role in the drafting of this legislation but we need to be sure that the additional responsibilities being given to the organisation will be achievable and will not be to the detriment of other vital work that the CRU is carrying out. Can the Minister assure us that the CRU will be on equipped or resourced to carry out these additional responsibilities? Will the CRU resourcing to fulfill its duties? The CRU is funded through an industry levy on regulated entities under the Electricity Regulation Act 1999. I understand that the intention of the CRU, following consultation, is that the new small LPG reworks brought into the scope of licensing by this Bill will not be subject to that levy but will pay a €200 application fee. Is the Minister confident that any additional staffing or resourcing requirement borne by the CRU as a result of the measures in this Bill will be able to be covered by that funding arrangement? With any expansion of powers, we should always be certain that the requisite safeguards and checks and balances are in place. Robust and enforceable powers in the area of gas safety are necessary and important. There are significant expansions of power here that merit examination. For example, section 6 clarifies how and when a gas safety officer has the power to enter onto private land or premises, the way in which they can carry out their role, and their powers to preserve the scene of an incident for investigation. During pre-legislative scrutiny, the Department told the committee that "these provisions seek to strike a balance between the additional powers granted to GSOs and constitutional rights." The section provides that for a GSO to enter and inspect land, the GSO must be of the opinion that there "is or may be an imminent risk of bodily injury, threat to life or damage to property." It is reasonable and necessary that GSOs have these powers - being able to inspect before potential emergencies develop is crucial - but it will be important that clear policies and procedures, alongside safeguards and a dispute resolution process, are put in place with regard to their operation. Another area where powers will be strengthened through the Bill is in the removal of the 21-day waiting period before the CRU can issue an improvement notice to a gas undertaking. That period had allowed an undertaking to make representations to the CRU and engage with it before an improvement notice was issued. The argument, as I understand it, from the Government and the CRU is that this waiting period is inefficient and incompatible with safety when combined with the High Court appeals process. Will this change, however, mean that a High Court appeal is the only option available to an undertaking which feels it has been incorrectly served an improvement notice? Given the state of play in our courts system, we should try to ensure that other options for engagement and mediation are open in all our systems. Is the Minister satisfied that removing the 21-day representation period, rather than reducing or otherwise qualifying it, is the best path forward? I also have a broader question. What kind of role does the Government see for LPG networks in Ireland in the future? By legislating for a new class of LPG licence for smaller networks, is the Government taking a step towards encouraging the development of such networks? I would like some clarity from Government on its intentions. We have seen from previous experience that an expansion of smaller LPG networks could pose issues with ensuring effective regulation and safety. How it would intersect with our climate targets at a time when we want to wean ourselves off our reliance on fossil fuels is another question to be considered. My understanding is that the majority of the unregulated networks discovered by the CRU in its investigations from 2016 were in small or medium apartment blocks or housing estates. Housing developers may remain keen to put in place LPG networks if given the chance. Given the well-documented shortage of serviced land that we face, and how that hurts our chances of meeting housing delivery targets, does the Government see a role for local LPG networks in the future of housing delivery? I certainly hope not, given our continued failure to get anywhere near our climate targets, but it would be useful to understand that medium-term intention when considering this Bill. Has the Government considered any lessons for its impending private wires policy? It has made clear its intention to allow private wires to be built and operated in certain circumstances. We have heard of the safety risks that emerged over several years when private LPG networks were allowed to develop in an unregulated, unmonitored fashion. There are, of course, important differences between these two situations but the fundamentals are the same: local private energy networks. If the Government is to move forward with its private wires initiative, it would be worthwhile to look closely at this case and to ensure that full and effective regulation and safety measures are in place from the off. Has the Department shared learnings across these two processes? This legislation is an important strengthening of the regulatory landscape for natural gas and LPG. Proper regulation of utilities, particularly gas, keeps us all safe. It is vital that the CRU has the powers it needs to do that work. While I question why it took so long to bring this legislation forward and will push the Government to ensure the necessary checks and safeguards are in place on new powers, we in the Labour Party will support this Bill.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute on Second Stage of the Gas Safety (Amendment) Bill 2026, which I support. While essentially a technical bill, it is important. At its core are public safety, consumer protection and ensuring confidence in our energy system. When it comes to gas, we only notice the rules when they are missing. This Bill matters because it strengthens and modernises the legal framework for both natural gas and liquefied petroleum gas, and does so in a practical way. It amends the Electricity Regulation Act 1999, and it gives the Commission for Regulation of Utilities the powers it needs to enforce compliance with the gas safety framework. The Bill addresses an important gap by providing for safety licensing of previously unregulated third-party domestic LPG networks. In plain English: if households are being supplied through an LPG distribution network, we need clear rules, clear responsibility and effective oversight, regardless of who owns the network. There are several provisions worth highlighting. First, the Bill transitions the existing gas safety framework from a non-statutory, administrative basis to a statutory footing. Importantly, it also grandfathers in existing safety cases, and provides that the Minister and CRU can gradually designate activities into the new regime, in consultation with stakeholders, so that the transition is orderly and workable. Second, it provides a clearer structure for LPG by distinguishing different licence classes: class 1 for undertakings operating ten or more LPG distribution networks and class 2 for those operating fewer than ten. That tiering is sensible because it allows regulation to be proportionate while still being robust. Third, and crucially, the Bill introduces a real compliance backbone - a penal offence for failure to conform with a safety case or obligation. The penalties set out are significant: up to a class A fine on summary conviction and up to €3 million on conviction on indictment. If we want compliance, there has to be a credible deterrent for reckless or negligent behaviour. Fourth, the Bill introduces the requirement for natural gas and LPG undertakings to hold a safety permit and an associated safety case for any activity they carry out. This is a practical improvement because it creates a direct link between the activity, the safety case and enforcement, and it provides for additional transparency around active safety cases in the public interest. The Bill notes that it aligns gas safety more closely with the existing framework for petroleum safety, which is a useful and familiar model. Fifth, the Bill strengthens the toolkit available to the regulator and officers on the ground. It strengthens the CRU’s powers in relation to gas safety officers and gas emergency officers, including making provision for a court warrant to enter land and dwellings if required, and it clarifies duties and protections around the exercise of those powers. It also provides for reimbursement of reasonable costs where damage occurs during the execution of those duties. These are important checks and balances. They are strong powers, clearly defined, with safeguards. Sixth, there are practical operational changes that improve responsiveness. The Bill removes the 21-day waiting period before the CRU may serve a safety improvement notice on NG, LPG or petroleum undertakings. Safety regulation has to be able to move at the pace of risk, not at the pace of paperwork. Finally, I welcome the inclusion of provisions allowing CRU to prescribe near-miss or precursor events that materially increase the risk of a gas incident occurring. Waiting for the big incident before we learn lessons is a very expensive way to run a safety system. A modern regulator needs visibility on the warning lights, not just the crash. For all those reasons, I support the Bill. It is measured, it is practical and it closes real gaps. I also want to use this debate to make a wider point about energy policy and delivery, which, the Minister will be aware, I have spoken of several times in this House. We can and must do two things at once. We must keep people safe in the energy system we have today while we accelerate the transition to the system we need tomorrow. Gas safety is part of today's system but tomorrow's system must be built at speed, especially on renewables. Ireland has ambitious targets for offshore wind, and Government has repeatedly stated the aim of having 5 GW of offshore wind in development by 2030, with longer range targets beyond that. Industry, meanwhile, has warned that Ireland is at risk of missing the 2030 target and has called for accelerated delivery and clearer timelines. We need to be candid. The west coast is a huge part of our long-term opportunity. The Atlantic resource is extraordinary but it is not straightforward. It requires planning, ports, grid and consenting systems; critically, it requires progress on floating offshore wind because much of the west coast is in deeper waters. The world is not waiting for Ireland. This week, reporting highlighted the commissioning and installation of 20 MW offshore wind turbines in China. Twenty megawatts per turbine is not a rounding error. It is a clear signal of where the technology and supply chains are going. When other countries are installing facilities that would have looked like science fiction a few years ago, we cannot be stuck in permanent process. That is why, alongside supporting this Bill, I call for a renewed focus on delivery across renewables, particularly wind and solar, and specifically a step-change in momentum on offshore wind off the west coast. The last Minister for energy spent too much time tinkering around the edges and not enough time delivering solutions we need. If we get this right, it is not just about meeting targets. It is about energy security, reducing long-term costs, resilience and jobs, including in coastal communities which can benefit from ports, fabrication and maintenance capacity. I welcome the Bill. I commend the strengthening of the statutory safety regime and CRU enforcement tools. I urge that the same seriousness and urgency we apply to safety and regulation is applied to the delivery of the renewable infrastructure that Ireland needs.

I welcome the opportunity to have this debate. As others have said, this is a technical Bill, one that has been in the pipeline, to excuse the pun, for quite a while. When I did research on this, I looked at the Oireachtas page where Bills are listed. I was aware I was familiar with the Bill but I could not remember seeing any previous debates. It is not listed on the website. There are no debates, but I know we had pre-legislative scrutiny of the Bill in 2024. It is something the Department may be able to look at. I am not sure why-----

It was not debated before.

Even the pre-legislative scrutiny has not been mentioned. I read the pre-legislative scrutiny. The Bill is quite important. It is limited in scope but important in terms of what it does. When we carried out pre-legislative scrutiny on the Bill, the CRU and Jim Gannon came to discuss it with us. At the time, he made the point that about 100 LPG distribution networks were currently being operated by unlicensed parties. I understand about 1,000 residential properties were impacted by that. It is not a large number but from a safety aspect it is important that the Bill is passed. I found how long this Bill has taken interesting. It was first identified in 2016 and there was pre-legislative scrutiny in February 2024. The CRU has done a lot of work on this and managed to bring these premises and any risk potential under its umbrella, even though the Bill has not been in place. There was consultation in 2019, 2021 and 2022. This has been an incredibly long process. When we talk about safety, I am quite worried about the length of time it has taken to get here. As I said, the CRU has a list of inspections based on this to try to mitigate any risks. It is important that we move on the Bill and it should have been prioritised prior to this. The question is whether the CRU has capacity to deal with any additional responsibilities coming out of the Bill. It has requested additional resources. I understand in December last year, Jim Gannon told the infrastructure committee that the regulator was under capacity to serve the policy needs of the coming years and would need to double the number of staff. I do not know whether there has been any progress on that but the CRU will have additional responsibilities and new remits it will need to cover. The programme for Government has committed to prioritising a review and reform of the legislation underpinning the CRU. I would appreciate if there was an update on that. The reason I am raising capacity issues in respect of our energy regulator is because the question is whether the regulator has enough staff to do its job or whether the legislation is there to enable them to do the job. I raise this in the context of the ability of the regulator to focus on the important issues that impact people on a daily basis, including energy affordability. The Minister has spoken to the regulator and directed it to carry out an investigation into price gouging, which is really welcome. The regulator has had the powers to look at that. It is already in legislation. The affordability task force identified that as a key piece of work it should be doing. The question for me is why the regulator has not examined that. Why has it not examined the disparity between wholesale and retail prices? Irish consumers pay three times more at a retail point than the wholesale price. In winter, many people struggle with costs. I heard from a family member of a woman in a wheelchair who had to make a decision not to power her wheelchair because the family needed to use the money to heat the home. I am more than happy to speak to the Minister about that. This relates to emergency payments for people with disabilities. I was shocked by that story. The woman has sat in her wheelchair for a number of months and cannot get out of her house. There is a question about the CRU. It has a large remit. We need to know why it is not exercising its remit on those very important issues and whether that is a capacity issue. If it is, that is something that can be solved. If it feels it should not have been doing that work without direction, that is a problem. It has a responsibility to focus on individuals and customers and ensure that we avoid energy poverty. As I said, I read the discussion on pre-legislative scrutiny in the previous Dáil. It was a good resource to use to identify previous discussions on this issue. It provided an important opportunity for the previous climate committee to bring the regulator in to discuss the Bill and have discussions be transparent and publicly available. Sometimes the Government has not given the pre-legislative scrutiny piece enough value. I am concerned because I have received emails from environmental organisations which are worried about the potential of pre-legislative scrutiny being waived in respect of LNG legislation.

Sorry, this is the-----

This related to the LNG facility. It is more about the importance of pre-legislative scrutiny, in particular when we are discussing energy. In that instance, I would be very concerned and would not agree with waiving any pre-legislative scrutiny for any aspect of LNG legislation. There is such concern about this publicly that the process needs to be transparent and there needs to be a debate in the Dáil. As legislators, we need to be given the opportunity to do our job in that regard. I wanted to mention that to the Minister. The Social Democrats will support the Bill. It is important and I ask that things are sped up. We have been waiting for this for quite a while. The Bill is important. It is also very important that the CRU has the resources necessary for it to do its job.

I welcome the Bill and commend the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, on his work in this area and that he has brought the Bill to Second Stage in the House for debate. I am sure it will be passed. The Bill is necessary but it is unbelievable that it has taken so long, albeit not under the Minister, Deputy O'Brien, to bring such a Bill to the House. It is a Bill that is fundamental in terms of development, safety, infrastructure, regulation, policing and so on. We need to examine how legislation is prepared and brought before the House and the greater efficiencies we can put in place to ensure that we can have a debate, tease out the amendments, if necessary, and deal efficiently with the business that needs to be concluded. The CRU does a lot of work and we are now asking it to do further policing of licences and all of the rest associated with the Bill. I wonder about the staff levels there and how they will be addressed to ensure that, in the context of what will be expected of them, they will have the appropriate number of staff who are the professionals needed to deal with all of these issues. As we put laws in place, there is no point in them being there if we will not ensure they are implemented and those who have applied for licences or engaged in this area will respond to the standards we are asking them to achieve. When the Minister says it will not cost more, we have to be realistic about this. There is no doubt it will cost more and the levies and moneys collected will not be sufficient to cover all of those costs. The cost of such an agency and the cost of implementing all of the legislation the agency will be required to do should be worked out. There is nothing like being prepared for the increases that may arise. Having said all of that and realising the importance of the work, I wonder about all of these quangos that are being set up. I understand the need for this and I am all for safety and development in this area but it really concerns me that we have so many quangos now that are outside of the reach of this House. When you ask a parliamentary question as to the status of one issue or another, the status of a company or the status of an application for a licence, you are told it is not within the remit of the Minister. That really has to stop. We are elected by the people. We are a Parliament with powers. We are introducing legislation through the Minister and we should take ownership of the legislation. There should be a way for a Member of this Parliament to intervene and ask a question in order to address an issue he or she might have. We have serious problems in relation to all of the other utilities and companies because they rarely engage in a really efficient and productive way to solve a problem or an issue. I will give the example of Irish Water. I will not go into detail but there is a difficulty in dealing with it. I could give the example of local government. It is impossible to hold it to account. In the introduction of this legislation, I would like to see more done in that area to ensure we can do our work when the difficulties start to fall out over the years. I also suggest that all these utility companies, particularly those that are providing energy to households where there is an elderly individual or couple or where there is a family that is marginalised, be asked to do more to address the issues that we bring to their attention. There is a cost of living issue. There is a cost of energy issue. There are issues for households that we need to address. While I might be straying a bit from the Bill, it is all about cost. It is all about how the companies will push their cost onto the consumer. The consumer has rights but I am afraid that in the guarding of those rights we fall short as a Parliament and as Members because we cannot directly hold them to account on individual cases. That is simply not at all satisfactory. It is not at all what the State should stand over. As a Republic, we should ensure the rights of our citizens. We should ensure the rights of our parliamentarians who engage on their behalf. Legislation almost prevents us from doing that. In terms of the cost, the price gouging and all of that, we need an immediate response to issues like that. Legislation like this should really be looking to the problems that may arise and that are there by way of example and ensure there is a way to address them. We are looking at energy and gas with this. There is also the issue of nuclear power, which was suggested here. The Minister should look at that. We need to have options. While we are talking about regulation, I wonder about the regulations we have been promised for wind farms. We have not received them yet. If we go back to 2013, they were debated in this House but we still have not received them. Why does it take so long to bring forward regulation or legislation that will govern development like this, not to stop or hold them up but to regulate them and acknowledge the rights of the communities they are affecting? In my constituency of Carlow-Kilkenny and the neighbouring constituency of Laois, huge wind farms are being constructed. I visited a number of these recently and I have to say a lot of them, in their numbers, are a blight on the landscape. Yet, we have no input. We want the regulation to make a level field for those who are applying for the wind farms and those who want to protect their homes, lives and communities from the negative side of the turbines. We talk about it here and, quite frankly, the Government has been very slow in acknowledging the difficulties communities have all over the country. The lack of regulation is actually driving a wedge in local communities between those who own land and want to develop it for wind farms and those who simply want no wind farms or want an input into where they are going. It is fair to ask that. You are not stopping it but, rather, asking for the regulation which has been promised since 2013 to be dealt with it. This brings us again to the parliamentary questions we ask here, whether they are about this piece of legislation or that regulation. You just get the same tripe set out in replies to parliamentary questions. The same bluff is expressed but the real issue is not dealt with. It creates a deal of anger and frustration for Members not to be able to have those issues addressed. While the legislation is needed, I ask the Minister about those safeguards. I ask him to look at the cost of that agency. I ask him, in his position as Minister, to take on board the views of this House, expressed by some, in relation to nuclear power, wind energy and the difficulties for the communities and applications that are there. I ask that these matters be addressed as soon as possible and for some sort of balance to be brought to how we do our business.

I think I would be safe in saying that all of us in this House are supportive of strengthening safety regulations. Sinn Féin certainly supports updating the legislation. However, what we have here is a Bill that is emblematic of this Government. We see rushed legislation, despite the Government passing legislation at a slower rate than any other for a century. In the case of this Bill, serious concerns remain. Representative organisations have expressed concerns as to whether the legislation is fit for purpose. We have heard that, if introduced as it stands, it could pose serious safety risks and that there are too many legal ends and loopholes for non-domestic installers. We need to ensure that smaller operators are supported to avoid cliff edges. We debate these serious issues today against a backdrop where, according to the CRU, this system has to come into effect on 1 January. Yet, this Bill was only published last Friday. It seems this Government lacks the ability to translate announcements, press releases, action plans and a whole thesaurus of other media opportunities into actual, operational policy. At budget time, we saw the Government justify the withdrawal of energy credits for struggling families and workers with a reference to inflation being expected to run to 2% for the year. In the end, it amounted to 2.7% and 4% in the case of food. The report of the Comptroller and Auditor General utterly rubbished claims by the Government that we are using the carbon tax to support farmers for climate action. Of the €1.5 billion farmers were promised up to 2030, more than halfway through the decade the Government has delivered not even 10% of that. Speaking of carbon tax, through a baseless increase on 1 January, the Government put upwards of 6 cent per litre on the cost of motoring; a supposed behavioural tax that cannot drive people to make use of services that do not exist. Other methods of transport lack the needed infrastructure in some communities, such as those I represent in counties Cavan and Monaghan. It is grossly apparent that the Government is struggling to translate ideas or sound bites into reality. Safety is not an area where we can afford to play fast and loose with rushing legislation. I appeal to the Minister of State to take on board the concerns raised by representative organisations. I also appeal to him to ensure that the CRU is adequately resourced because if it lacks the capacity to ensure new regulations, then what should be important regulatory changes to improve safety will effectively amount to naught. Only a year into this Government, there have already been too many areas where that has not been the case.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute this evening. I am going to concentrate on the Bill itself and its substance. It is by any measure a technical Bill - a little bit technical, perhaps unexciting, but very important because it deals with something incredibly important, that is, the safety of our citizens in their own homes. When gas safety regulations are not upheld, the consequences are severe, immediate and catastrophic in some cases. That reality should highlight just how necessary it is for the powers of the CRU to be expanded under this legislation to further protect customers. From my reading of the Bill, it is clear that there is a notable gap in the current legislation. That gap was exposed nearly a decade ago when the regulator became aware of unlicensed LPG networks serving housing developments and apartment complexes. Subsequent inspections showed that a fair number of these sites required immediate intervention to address pretty fundamental safety concerns. This Bill responds in a measured way to this by introducing a more comprehensive regime that would bring these operators under the gas safety regulatory framework. Under these changes, a two-class system for LPG safety licences will be established, replacing the existing LPG safety licences. Additionally, there is also a requirement now for LPG and natural gas undertakings to prepare their own safety cases for submission to the CRU and for consideration by it. Ultimately, it is vitally important that all operators of piped LPG distribution networks are regulated with respect to safety so that the general public - the punters - and, in particular, end customers - our families, friends and neighbours - are protected. As a colleague rightly pointed out in this Chamber earlier, regulation without enforcement is not regulation at all. I believe this legislation is a fundamental step in achieving this goal, and I look forward to engaging constructively with the Minister of State over the coming months as it makes its way through this House.

I do not think anybody doubts the absolute necessity of ensuring that we have the proper level of regulation, particularly when we are talking about natural gas and liquified petroleum gas. We all know the issues that can exist. We all know the dangers that exist. In fairness, my colleagues, Deputies Pa Daly and Bennett recently stated, like many others have done, that there are issues those who have worked in the sector have brought up and we all welcome that. Many times, we have come in here and looked for greater powers in relation to the CRU, but it is making sure then that it has the capacity to be able to deliver upon them. There are very particular issues that exist in relation to the RGIs, registered gas installers. They are being appointed as the gas supervisory and safety body, as in the inspection body, but their inspectors are not trained on non-domestic installation. That is the piece. We have heard many speak about rushed legislation, but the fact is that there have been issues that we have known have existed for ten years and more if the truth be told. It is a matter of us actually dealing with these issues from the point of view that we have a framework that works in relation to those who are involved in the delivery of these particular systems and gas systems. I think everyone will be aware of the absolute necessity in this State in relation to home heating, domestic heating, non-domestic and industrial heating, particularly in the last period we have gone through, and the absolute necessity the State has with regard to energy and the issues we have sometimes had in ensuring we have a decent energy supply. While there has been much talk in the last while, and necessary talk, in relation to ensuring there are no bureaucratic or administrative hold-ups in the delivery of huge necessary projects, we have also seen, whether we are talking about mica or 101 other issues, that we did not have a sufficient amount of regulation and oversight and we did not have the systems in place. Due to that, we are dealing with it from that point on at a huge cost to the State and, obviously, if I am talking specifically about mica, at a huge cost to those affected, particularly in Donegal, Mayo, Sligo and the Minister of State's own county. We have a number of those particular issues in my own country. The Louth local authority is at this point dealing with the Department and ensuring that we can be added to the scheme with the issues that exist. I digress but my point is that we need to ensure that safety is in and we need to ensure that the regulation is correct. We need to absolutely ensure that those who are given the job in relation to both commissioning and decommissioning have the skill set that is necessary. We may then need to make sure we can operate this as seamlessly as possible. It is fair enough for anyone else who has brought up the issue in relation to the cost-of-living crisis and the fact that there are people out there who are really suffering because they do not have the finances. It is a case sometimes of whether people eat or heat their homes. I do not think it is good enough that the Government has completely given up in relation to those supports that are needed, particularly as regards energy credits. We all heard earlier about the cost of disability and the fact there is no cost of disability payment. We are going to wait another year for people who are really suffering at this point, and people spoke about the particular issue they have in relation to heating. I ask that the Minister of State bring back to Government that this is an issue that needs to be resolved.

I welcome the Bill and the emphasis it places on safety and prevention. This legislation is incredibly important. As we know, there have been many very serious and tragic explosions here and, indeed, internationally. Some of these explosions have resulted in the loss of life, such as the Creeslough tragedy in County Donegal. My thoughts and prayers are with the families affected in relation to it. This would obviously provide a statutory duty to ensure gas infrastructure is designed, built and maintained in a way that reduces the risk leading to fires and explosions. We in Aontú will certainly be supporting this legislation. I also have concerns in relation to gas being used for the generation of electricity. What appears to be happening in some parts of the country is that energy infrastructure is being developed in order to supply the shortage of energy in other parts of the country. Data centres along the east coast, for example, are putting enormous pressure on the grid. As a result, we are seeing a rapid and intense number of planning applications for gas-powered electricity generators, solar farms and wind turbines. Why should the west be sacrificed for this? Our infrastructure and beauty are being sacrificed without any proper planning regulation or oversight. I wish to highlight a serious issue in the Dáil. My colleague in Aontú, Luke Silke from Tuam, County Galway, has been working diligently on this issue. He has outlined serious concerns. What appears to be happening is that we have a bizarre situation where two people employed in a company called MKO, which was in charge of submitting planning applications on behalf of wind farm companies to Galway County Council and An Coimisiún Pleanála, have now left that company and have begun work in An Coimisiún Pleanála and Galway County Council’s planning department. It is most extraordinary and incredibly serious. I raise the matter to seek assurances. Two former employees of the firm MKO are now working as planners in Galway County Council and An Coimisiún Pleanála, respectively.

The Deputy should be careful.

MKO is the consultant representing four companies seeking to construct wind farms in Belclare, Cooloo, Clonberne and Killimordaly.

The Deputy should not be making statements that may identify individuals who are not here to defend themselves.

We can see from the documents on the website of An Coimisiún Pleanála that, on 19 November 2020 during the pre-application consultation phase of one of the proposed development sites in Galway, a meeting took place between the prospective applicant, the design team and Galway County Council. A certain individual is listed as present at that meeting representing the wind farm company. Luke Silke has declared and shown me documents that this individual is now working for An Coimisiún Pleanála. Is there not a huge conflict of interest in this regard? In further documents, we can see that a separate individual was working for MKO-----

Deputy Lawless is really treading on unsafe territory. He cannot be drawing conclusions like he is doing-----

The point I am making-----

-----regarding people who hold positions and might be identified by his remarks. I ask the Deputy to refrain from giving the type of detail that might lead to that position.

Okay. I am happy to share this with the Minister of State after my contribution. The point I am making is that there are individuals who, on the one hand, worked for the consultancy aspect or, essentially, the wind farm companies and have now gone on to work in local authorities and An Coimisiún Pleanála. In this instance, the same individual who worked on a planning application is now working within the local authority and adjudicating on that same wind farm application. There is a huge conflict of interest here. I am raising it to highlight this issue and seek assurances that it should not be allowed to happen. I am seeking that the Government puts these applications in County Galway on hold until we ensure that due process is adhered to and there is no conflict of interest in relation to these wind farms.

This is a Second Stage debate on the general issue of gas safety. That is why I, like others, are raising issues that are related to but outside the scope of this Bill, although I will come to the specifics of the Bill as well. I have been raising issues of gas safety over multiple Dáil terms. It does not appear that the issues have been addressed. We have had complaints sent into multiple agencies. We have had protected disclosures about issues relating to gas safety and enforcement. We seem to have a serious problem. For example, when it comes to Gas Networks Ireland, it has been brought to my attention that there is an issue with gas meters being installed under stairways and inside front door areas that are designated escape routes, a practice that is not compliant with safety regulations. There is also a failure to address clear safety issues during meter installations. With regard to Bord Gáis, I have received complaints that the servicing of gas boilers is an issue and some should not have been commissioned in the first place due to safety defects. Other significant safety concerns are overlooked during routine servicing. In respect of the RGII, there have been allegations that large numbers of hazard certificates have been sent but they are not being acted on. With regard to the SEAI, homes have been surveyed and heating systems upgraded that are allegedly not fit for purpose. Documented safety issues during upgrade works are also being ignored by installers. I have a list of examples of common safety defects that I will go through. The first example is one over which I remember getting ejected from this Chamber because I refused to sit down when I raised it. I remember holding up a piece of pipe in the Chamber. The defect is gas pipes not being sleeved when entering homes. Back in the day, I mentioned there was a risk to tens of thousands of households throughout the country from gas pipes that were not installed to the original IS 813:2002 Irish quality standard. They were, therefore, liable to corrosion. There is a risk that the eventual corrosion of the pipes will lead to gas leaks and, in some cases, a risk of potentially fatal explosions. This issue was never fully addressed like it should have been. I wish to go through a few other issues that have been mentioned including: no earth bonding; exposed gas pipes on external walls without protection; gas pipes routed through apartment stairways between floors; gas pipes in voids with no external ventilation; gas pipes in lift shafts alongside electrical controls with mechanical joints and no fire stopping between floors; gas meters being used to support two-inch gun barrel pipework; no gas shut-off valves where gas pipes enter apartments; gas pipes buried in sand and cement without proper shielding, as I have mentioned; insufficient gas pressure to safely operate boilers, cookers and fires; poor-quality soldering on fittings; lack of required ventilation for gas cookers and fires; boiler flue terminals located too close to air vents; and cold water supply for heating systems connected directly to the mains. Whistleblowers have contacted me to say that they have substantial evidence to support all the issues that I have outlined and they have made submissions in this regard. I would love to see whether this is going to be investigated properly. In respect of the Gas Safety (Amendment) Bill 2026 and how it brings previously unlicensed rural LPG networks into a formal safety regime, it is welcome. It will hopefully address the immediate risk of gas leaks and non-compliance with safety standards. In the context of what I just mentioned previously, it all depends on the actual enforcement rather than just having the regulations. The CRU, in theory, can issue safety improvement notices immediately, reducing or removing the previous 21-day waiting period. On paper, this will make enforcement more implementable and effective. When it comes to costings, I note that the CRU introduced a simplified class 2 licence with a lower one-off application fee of €200 for smaller networks. However, there is still the risk that there will be increased costs for small businesses in that the requirements, such as preparing safety cases and annual levies, could place a disproportionate financial burden on the smaller LPG operators. Of course, the Bill does nothing to address the high energy prices and the price gouging of energy companies on hard-pressed residents. That is a separate issue but I wish to put that on the record. I also point out that whatever about the gas safety requirements, we are not doing enough in terms of the overall energy supply to progress renewables as fast as we should.

I am thankful for the opportunity to speak on this Bill today. Let me state from the outset that safety must always come first. Every family, every worker and every pensioner has a right to know that the fuel heating their homes and cooking their dinners is safe, properly regulated and overseen by a system that is fit for purpose. Safety cannot, however, become a convenient excuse for forgetting rural Ireland or for piling more paperwork, fees and levies onto small operators and local communities who already struggle to stay afloat. This Bill deals with both natural gas and LPG. In urban areas, the gas grid is taken for granted but in much of rural Ireland, there is no gas grid, there are no pipelines and there are no grand plans. What is there instead is reliance, in places, on LPG, on bottled gas, on bulk tanks and on small networks serving estates and apartment blocks that were built outside the reach of the great Dublin-centric energy map. We learned from an investigation by the CRU that dozens of small LPG networks were operating without any proper regulatory cover, not out of neglect or intent, but because the law simply did not recognise them. Developers, management companies and volunteers found themselves supplying gas without a licensing system designed for their scale. That was a gap in the law and a safety risk, and it needed to be addressed. In that respect, bringing these networks into a proper licensing and safety structure makes sense. Families deserve peace of mind. They deserve clarity on who is responsible when something goes wrong. The Bill seeks to introduce two classes of LPG licence and replace the informal safety case system with a statutory safety permit system. It gives the CRU more tools with which to investigate incidents and to intervene when it must. Those elements are reasonable, and Independent Ireland supports the principle of regulating for safety. There are some very real concerns, however, and I want to speak plainly about them. First is the cost. We are told again that there will be no cost to the Exchequer. What we are not told is who will actually pay. Every time the CRU gets a new function, and every time there is a new permit, a new levy, a new licence or a new compliance burden, it eventually lands on the bill of the ordinary customer, it lands on the pensioner filling their bulk tank, it lands on the working family paying for LPG cylinders, and it lands on the landlord in rural Cork trying to keep an old apartment block heated. If we are not honest about that in this House, then we are doing a disservice to those people. The second concern is fairness. A class 2 LPG operator running a handful of residential connections in a rural estate is not the same as a national gas transmission operator. We cannot and should not regulate them as if they were. We need clear guarantees that the regulatory burden will not choke small operators or force estates to abandon LPG networks entirely. When that happens, homes go cold and rents go up, and nobody in the Government will take responsibility for that outcome. The third concern is energy security. Safety is crucial but supply matters, too. Ireland has backed itself into a corner by shutting down options before alternatives exist. We are now talking about regulating LPG at the same time as we refuse to talk honestly about where that gas will come from in ten or 20 years' time. We cannot keep pretending that interconnectors from Britain are a long-term energy strategy. They are not. They are a gamble, one that leaves our homes, our hospitals and our businesses exposed. This touches directly on the issue of LNG, and in particular Shannon LNG. I have said it before and I will say it again: rejecting LNG on ideological grounds while importing gas through longer and less secure routes makes no sense. Other small countries have diversified supply, built resilience and protected their people. Ireland instead congratulates itself on shutting doors and hoping for the best. This is not climate leadership. It is wishful thinking dressed up as strategy. Let us be realistic. We cannot electrify everything overnight. We cannot heat every rural home with heat pumps that families cannot afford and that do not work properly in older, poorly insulated buildings. Until genuine alternatives exist and are accessible, LPG and natural gas will remain essential and policy must reflect that reality instead of pretending it away. I want to talk about respect for local communities. Too often, decisions are made in Dublin and imposed on rural areas with no engagement, no listening and no understanding. If we are going to regulate local LPG networks, then we need to work with the people who actually run them. We need simple compliance, clear communication and fair timelines, not a box-ticking exercise designed for consultants in office blocks. Independent Ireland asks the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, to consider bringing forward amendments on Committee Stage to ensure there is: no increase in domestic heating costs as a result of this Bill; a fair and proportionate regulatory system for class 2 LPG operators; transparency from the CRU on levies, costs and compliance impacts; a national energy security plan that includes LNG as an option; and rural-proofing of all energy legislation placed before this House. Safety is essential but so is common sense. Regulation must protect people, not punish them. If we want to genuinely secure Ireland’s energy future, we must stop closing doors and start planning for the needs of every community, urban and rural, and not just the few within the M50. I want to talk about safety, including in my own constituency. We saw what happened in Creeslough with the ten people who were tragically killed there. I sympathise with all their families. We also have to look at Whiddy Island. In 1979, there were 51 people killed there and the State has never apologised. We really cannot get to the bottom of what did happen on that fatal night. It is a shocking indictment. Several times, I have called on this and previous Governments for a proper investigation and for an apology to the families of the 51 people who perished that night, including relations of my own. They were good, hard-working men who went out to work and never came home. It was a terrible tragedy in 1979 and it will never be forgotten. Here we are 47 years later and people might think we have forgotten in Bantry but we have not. We will always respect those people for the remainder of our lives. Surely be to God respect should be shown in here too so that families can have some kind of closure. It is something that I have called for. Michael Kingston, the head of the relatives and friends' organisation down there, has fought gallantly but has literally been ignored. He is not going to give up the fight, and I give him great credit for that. I also commend the local fire brigades in Kinsale and Carrigaline. There was a gas leak two weeks ago and most of Kinsale town had to be evacuated because of it, but thankfully it was all dealt with professionally by our professionals out there. I pay tribute to each one of them, as well as the gardaí and the head of the fire station in Kinsale. They are tremendous people down there and I know them well. I often meet them and talk to them. They certainly had very difficult circumstances on their hands less than two weeks ago. Thankfully, there was no fatality and nobody was hurt. It was dealt with professionally but lots of people had to be evacuated because of the dangers of the type of gas that people are dealing with. It was with gas being delivered where there was a leak. As I said, these things happen. We will give 100% support to anything that brings in safety but we have to make sure that the costs are not passed on to the customer. Customers were looking for some energy relief this year but, unfortunately, they were not given it. I know it is not an election year, so maybe if there is an election coming soon, they might get that energy relief again. That is of huge importance, but safety and common sense are things we will always support inside here. I would ask that the Government give the time to sit down as a Cabinet to look at the situation that happened at Whiddy Island and to think of those 51 people who perished 47 years ago and to this day have not got justice. While there is a breath in my body inside in this Parliament, I must stand for those people, and I will continue to stand and support those people until we get justice for the Whiddy Island disaster.

Going through the Bill, we cannot argue. Improving safety is something that we really do need, especially in the operation and maintenance of our gas networks. I have heard other Deputies mention it. The improvements are important. Protecting our citizens is one of the main things that we in this Chamber do. As Deputy Gogarty has said, however, the measures are not grappling with the elephant in the room, namely, soaring energy prices and the burden on Irish households. If any other country had the potential that Ireland has, be it offshore or onshore and the amount of sea and seabed that we have, they would seize it. We are currently bringing in other countries' national installers to do it because we do not have the capability. I understand that back in the early 2000s we had plans to develop our offshore renewable energy at a faster rate but unfortunately due to the financial crash and everything we did not and we are now years behind our EU counterparts and everyone else. The potential Ireland has needs to be seized. When it comes to the price, something we are constantly asking in the climate and energy committee is what is the delay and what is holding up this clear option for Ireland to be more energy independent. Not only could we be energy independent, but with the kind of tailwind we will be getting from offshore renewable energy we could use electrolysis to create green hydrogen. We could be supplying green hydrogen for high-energy industry. We could be supplying the growing green hydrogen market there is going to be in the EU. I am sure the Minister of State knows the UK is using a mix of green hydrogen and natural gas. It is something Ireland has huge potential in and it needs to be looked into more. I did not see much mention of it in the Bill. Energy prices have been going through the roof in the last few years and the inflation is leaving people struggling. I have hundreds of people contacting my office who are struggling with bills and the cost of living. Something we could do to help them, which I have mentioned multiple times, is to decentralise our grid, bring in private wires and bring in long duration energy storage. This would allow us to regulate our current grid like the Danish or Germans do. Something I spoke about recently, which is not mentioned in this Bill, is that those living in apartment buildings cannot use plug-in solar. The Germans have done it and it really helps struggling people. It is very simple. People can put it on the outside of their balconies and plug it directly in. The current regulations and the systems do not allow people to do that. It would really help people and it is a very cheap system. We want clean energy in Ireland - something we can be proud of that is secure, affordable, decarbonised and future-proofed, but we need to accelerate renewables. The private wires legislation is due to come to the House this year and I am looking forward to going through that Bill and working with colleagues across the House, but if we are going to reach the 80% renewable share by 2030 we need to have a Covid-level response to this. Delivery is lagging and everyone knows it. One of our greatest untapped assets, as I have already mentioned, is our offshore renewable energy resource and the planned targets of 5 GW by 2030 and 20 GW by 2040 need to be reached. The critical infrastructure Bill will, I hope, help with that but it needs to be done quickly. We do not have a national policy for it but for foreign direct investment to see we are a country to be taken seriously we need to show it this can be done and give it a good blueprint. We need to show investors we are going to take planning actions quickly. The delays are not acceptable and the gaps and grid constraints are not either. I recently visited a solar farm where the operators are turning off power due to the grid not being able to take it but we are still importing power from the UK. It makes no sense that we have solar farms turning off their power as the sun is beaming on them while we are still buying power from the UK. We have so much potential with battery storage and gravity pumps. The technology is out there but there is no urgency, there is no oomph. It is my generation who are going to be paying for this. The Minister of State knows that when you reduce energy costs that effect trickles through the entire economy, into transport and everything, and thereby brings down the cost of living. Our future energy systems cannot be tethered to the volatile gas markets and for that to be done we need to increase our offshore and onshore renewable energy. We need to get rid of the NIMBYism I see across this House and the electoral cycle thinking. These are things that are constantly said but they are true. That is why I am calling for reforms to the Bill.

You need to conclude, Deputy.

I still have time, do I not?

No, it was five minutes and Deputy Healy-Rae is there behind you.

He should keep going, he is doing well. He is on a roll.

Will I keep going?

I have not started yet.

Green hydrogen is a direct form and we need frameworks that unlock investment to electrolysis facilities, as I have already mentioned. There are great academics across the country's universities but we need to be listening to them. Irish people should be proud of the country we have, proud of the grid and proud of the energy we are producing cleanly. Safety is critical and this Bill improves safety. It is a moment to rethink. Obviously I have only been in this House for the last 13 months and a lot of this stuff was done before I was a Member, but we need to rethink and challenge the interests, put Irish citizens first, bring in easier measures for people to use plug-in solar, bring in private wire systems and allow eco-villages to supply themselves off-grid to remove themselves from dependency and accelerate Ireland's energy transition in a way that is globally competitive so we can be making money for Irish citizens and not depending on other states.

How much time have I?

There are 13 minutes left in the slot.

I could have kept going.

Deputy Healy-Rae need not take it all.

I am glad this gas safety framework is to be put on a statutory basis. It is only right that people who are trained and qualified are installing and maintaining equipment. They know what they are doing for unsuspecting people who have a problem or are having something new driven by gas installed in their homes. People are depending on those who are trained and qualified and this is an explosive product that could leave many people hurt, injured or worse if it is not put together right. This Bill took a long time to come before us and we are all going to vote for it. What we look forward to is Shannon LNG, which has been on the back-burner since long before I came up here in 2016. There have been too many delays. We need to ensure this is made available to the people. We cannot be beholden to one supply from the east all the time because we need gas to keep the country going and keep electricity flowing. It has been suggested to me many times that we should be using the old Kinsale Head gas field to store gas. We should buy it when it is cheaper rather than waiting until it gets expensive and we have to buy it. Often we are paying the highest prices for the sources we are using. We should ensure we are not paying the maximum price for it all the time. The other problem is the regulator. Is she there at all, or who is she or who is he? We do not seem to see any action or any come hither put on the electricity companies that have varied so much in their price increases in the last 12 months. We need to do something about that because many people feel that since the day we closed Bord na Móna in 2020 the cost of electricity has gone up every other day. That is so wrong and we do not hear our energy regulator or regulators, or whoever they are, saying anything and it falls on poor people. The cost of living has gone through the roof in the last six months and it is exploding as we are talking. There is no end to the increase in the price of things. When energy costs so much, the cost of everything else goes up. We have seen the prices at the pumps have gone mad again in recent times. There is the odd one that nearly maintains the same price all the time. We cannot understand it. There must be a regulator that ensures fair play is given to the consumer but I do not think he is acting or that he is there at all. The blame goes back to the Government. The Government is in charge of the regulator or he is supposed to be answerable to it, but I cannot see any answer. I do not see him doing any work at all on behalf of the people we were elected to represent here. I appeal again to see whether something can be done because the cost of living is tied to that and the cost of energy and heating. Without thinking of poor people, I come across people on a daily basis who believe they cannot buy a bag of turf now or get a bag of turf or that they should not have a fire. They feel guilty about it. These are elderly people who think they are doing harm and they are frozen in their homes. They cannot afford anything. We hear about underfloor heating and all these systems, like air to water heat pumps. They know they are in their elder years and that they do not have much time. They do not have the money to invest in these systems and they feel it is not worth their while. Normally, they would have turf, timber and so on. They are afraid to use those because of all the talk of the last Government which was driven by the Green Party. It did more harm than will ever be repaired. It will take too long to repair it for these elderly people. The facts are that since Bord na Móna closed down, the cost of electricity has gone up day by day. We must do something to ensure the regulator steps in and ensures fair play is had by the people. There are others here who want to talk. I will finish.

I thank Deputies for their contributions to the debate. The Government welcomes the considerations and contributions on this Stage. I look forward to what I think, based on what I heard, will be the Deputies' support in progressing the Bill through the House. The Gas Safety (Amendment) Bill 2026 will make crucial and long-sought changes to our regulatory regime for natural gas and liquified petroleum gas, protecting operators, customers and the public, which I think we all accept is paramount. I will try to respond to some of the issues I heard raised. I noticed an issue was raised throughout the debate that was identified back in 2016. The pre-legislative scrutiny was concluded in July 2024. I take on board, and the Minister, Deputy Darragh O'Brien, and I are concerned, that it took a long time. It is not acceptable and I certainly accept the points made. An issue of such importance should have progressed more quickly. That is why the Minister is adamant that the Bill will now get a fair hearing and move quickly through the Houses. A Deputy identified that it was published just last Friday. It is legislation of significant importance. Some peripheral issues were raised that are not directly related to the Bill. I am sure there will be other opportunities for Deputies to raise them again. I will concentrate on the important aspects. I accept, as I said, the concerns. There were issues with the costs. The reality is that when any new regulatory regime is brought in, there will be costs. However, the costs will not be borne by the State, but by the industry. That is the appropriate approach. Others have said, regardless of whether it is through levies or State funding, it is funded by taxpayer contributions, whether they are corporate or individual. However, in this case it is not an issue. The delays were not related to the CRU's lack of resources because the costs will be covered through levies on the industry. Deputy Heneghan talked at length about the broader issue of looking at the Government's commitment to become less dependent on gas. With our climate commitments, we are going through a transition phase where we need to move to electrification and the development of a biogas regime, and we are doing so at pace. While it has been slow in the early stages, the Government is progressing now. In early December last year, an auction took place for a 900 MW wind farm off the south-east coast. The previous Government moved away from a speculative approach to identifying sites offshore and into a plan-led phase. We did a designated marine area plan, DMAP, off the south-east coast, which has designated four sites, one of which has gone to auction with three will follow. I have responsibility for the next phase of that DMAP, which will identify suitable sites around the entire coast of Ireland that will get us to 20 GW by 2040. We are on target to deliver that designation by 2027 and we are committed to making sure it happens. I take on board the concerns of some about the cost of electricity. It is a marketplace and there is competitive tension. The regulator has a role. Deputy Healy-Rae said the Government should intervene with the regulator. The regulator is independent and answerable to the Oireachtas committee. This is one of only a few regulatory regimes where parliament has oversight, as opposed to the Government. I will go back to something Deputy Lawless said. It is important and I do not want to oversimplify it. However, it is the case that professionals move from one side of the fence to the other. We have to be careful not to ascribe to that professional movement from consultant to regulatory environment a conflict of interest. There is always potential for a conflict of interest and it is the responsibility of the chief executive of the local authority or of An Coimisiún Pleanála to assure themselves in that regard. I suggest that if the individuals have concerns, they address them to the chief executives of those authorities. For the Government to intervene, as Deputy Lawless suggested, would be an abuse and unlawful. The planning legislation is distinct. It is rigorous in this regard. It is regularly reviewed through judicial reviews in the courts and I do not believe there is a role for the Government in this. However, if the Deputy has concerns about the bona fides, he should share them with the authorities I mentioned. In saying that, it is important to note that Members of this House who hold Government positions now or who held them previously will go on to work in industry. There is a cooling-off period, and rightly so, but we have to be careful because such allegations have the capacity to malign or undermine the professionalism of individuals involved. As has already been outlined, the Bill provides a legislative response to a public policy problem posing safety risks to the public, namely, unlicensed LPG networks whose operators have fallen outside the regulatory regime to date. While the CRU has done important work to date in inspecting these undertakings and issuing improvement notices, this Bill brings such undertakings firmly into the licensing system. As Deputies have heard, the Bill accomplishes this through establishing a new LPG safety licence class 2, for operators making LPG available to fewer than ten piped distribution networks, for use by individual domestic customers. The new licence class is suited to the needs of smaller operators and applicants will face much lower application fees. Rather than preparing resource-intensive safety cases, class 2 licence-holders will be bound to adhere to safety requirements outlined by the CRU through regulation. This approach was arrived at following consultation with industry stakeholders as the fairest and most effective means of bringing hitherto unregulated operators into the licensing system. This speaks directly to Deputy Collins, for whom I have great regard and respect. Every time the Deputy contributes he seems to latch on to rural Ireland, which is part of his party's name. This is a recognition that not every regular scale operator in a rural area is of the same scale and complexity as one might be in a large area network in a more urban environment. The Government is taking cognisance of the needs of rural Ireland and, in this Bill, it is taking cognisance of the appropriate response, one that is proportionate to the risk that has been identified. It seeks to put in place a regulatory framework that gives protection to the greatest extent possible without creating an enormous regulatory burden that would make it exceedingly difficult or extraordinarily expensive if we just had a one-size-fits-all approach. By taking this proactive approach, it is a recognition of the needs of rural Ireland and not wanting to create a greater cost burden on those operators, most of which are highly trained and professional people. Of course, like any of us, there is a standard we have to adhere to. When it is there and it is monitored, operators tend to adhere to it. The Bill makes several important changes to the gas safety regime, which I will quickly reiterate. The gas safety framework, by which undertakings are licensed, is placed on a statutory footing, the CRU safety remit is strengthened through the introduction of a new class of LPG safety licences, and the definitions of natural gas and LPG incidents are broadened to include precursors to near-miss incidents or events. The CRU also acquires stronger powers to specify what is required of undertakings with regard to emergency responses. As Deputy Healy-Rae and others said, there is a recognition that we cannot be overly dependent on gas from the east. That is why the Government recently announced the positioning of a floating facility for LNG in the Shannon Estuary. It so happens to be in Cahiracon, which is in west Clare. It is a recognition that gas is a transition fuel and that we cannot move to electricity in one bang. That is going to take a protracted period. There will always be a need for gas or biogas. We must have a safety net and a backup to protect our hospitals, schools and industrial base. We cannot leave ourselves open to the risk of any disruption to the two existing interconnectors. We are already doing that-----

The Minister of State should conclude.

-----and that is something that will come on board through Gas Networks Ireland. I am pleased we are making significant progress in that area. I am sorry I did not get to answer my good friend, Deputy Heneghan, but he and I will have a conversation again about the whole offshore piece in another forum I am sure.