2026-01-14

I attended a meeting of the European Council on 18 December in Brussels. Substantial items for discussion included Ukraine; the EU’s next multi-annual financial framework, MFF; the situation in the Middle East; EU enlargement; and Europe’s competitiveness in a changing global context. Other items on the agenda were European security and defence; migration; the fight against antisemitism, racism and xenophobia; the Pact for the Mediterranean; disinformation; and a proposal for a regional strategy for the Atlantic. I will deal with Ukraine; the MFF; Middle East; enlargement; global competitiveness; and the fight against antisemitism, racism and xenophobia. The Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, will later speak to other issues. Support for Ukraine in the face of Russia's ongoing illegal war of aggression was the main item in our discussions. After almost four years of brutal Russian aggression and as US-led peace efforts continue, it is more important than ever that the European Union continues and strengthens its support for Ukraine. President Zelenskyy briefed us on the current situation in Ukraine, both on the battlefield and in Russia's escalating strikes on civilians and civilian infrastructure. I joined my colleagues in reconfirming our commitment to providing comprehensive financial, economic, humanitarian, military and diplomatic support to Ukraine and its people. To this end, we discussed how the European Union will actively participate in peace efforts and our readiness to contribute to robust and credible security guarantees for Ukraine as part of a peace agreement. These guarantees are being advanced through the coalition of the willing, of which Ireland is a member, and in co-operation with the United States. The coalition met on 11 December, when I attended, and on 6 January, when the Minister, Deputy McEntee, attended on my behalf. In the meantime, Russia's aggression against Ukraine continues to intensify, with large-scale drone and missile attacks on cities continuing to result in widespread destruction and the death of civilians, including children. This is not the behaviour of a country interested in peace. To ensure Ukraine can meet its needs and remain strong in its negotiating position, at our meeting in October the European Council agreed to help Ukraine to meet its financing needs in 2026 and 2027. At our December meeting, we agreed a loan of €90 billion to ensure it has timely and predictable finance over the coming two years. This will be provided through enhanced co-operation, in which Ireland will participate. The money will be borrowed by the Commission, backed by the European Union budget. European Union leaders were in agreement that Russia should be held accountable for its actions and should have to pay for the destruction it has caused. I welcome the unprecedented decision to ensure that Russia’s sovereign assets should remain immobilised until it ceases its war and compensates Ukraine for the damage it has caused. Work will continue on the technical and legal dimensions of establishing a reparations loan based on the cash balances associated with Russia’s immobilised assets. In line with our commitment to ensuring full accountability for Russia’s war crimes, the European Council called for sustained efforts to operationalise the Special Tribunal for the Crime of Aggression against Ukraine within the framework of the Council of Europe. Leaders agreed that it is important to maintain pressure on Russia to agree to a ceasefire and engage meaningfully in peace negotiations. Ireland has consistently supported robust targeted sanctions in response to Russia’s illegal war of aggression in Ukraine. Following agreement at the end of October on a 19th package of sanctions, the European Council called for work to continue on a 20th package of sanctions, with the aim of adopting it as soon as possible after its presentation in early 2026. The European Council called for further action to counter Russia’s shadow fleet, which will further squeeze Russian energy revenues and will address the other significant risks, including environmental, that the shadow fleet poses. Ireland has always been a strong supporter of Ukraine’s European Union perspective, and I continue to advocate at European level for accelerated progress on Ukraine’s European Union accession. Ukraine belongs in the European Union, and its membership will not only provide security for Ukraine but will also bolster Europe’s security. I therefore welcome that the European Council reaffirmed its steadfast support for Ukraine’s path towards European Union membership and welcomed the significant progress Ukraine has achieved so far under the most challenging circumstances. The December European Council had a first exchange of views on the post-2027 multi-annual financial framework on foot of the proposals presented by the European Commission in July. Our discussion was informed by the draft negotiating box developed over recent months by the Danish Presidency of the Council, which sets out the core issues that will ultimately require political decisions. The proposals on the table involve major changes to the European Union budget in terms of structure, spending and revenue, and we are studying them in detail. There are likely to be difficult negotiations ahead given the competing demands and financing needs across a range of policy areas. Ireland has been clear that strongly funded and ring-fenced common agricultural and fisheries policies remain a priority for us. The Government’s priorities also include an ambitious Horizon Europe research programme that prioritises excellence, development of cross-border infrastructure, maintenance of humanitarian and development aid and continuation of the PEACEPLUS programme. The Government considers that the new MFF must continue to promote and protect the values of human dignity, freedom, equality and solidarity enshrined in the European Union treaties. We have made clear our view that contributions based on each member state’s gross national income, GNI, remain the fairest and simplest way to provide the European Union with the resources it needs. Overall, we wish to ensure that the next MFF brings the EU added value. It is only by working together with our EU partners that we can make progress on the big issues. I have made clear to President Costa that I fully support his objective of reaching political agreement in the European Council by the end of this year during Ireland’s Presidency. The European Council assessed the situation in Gaza as implementation of the comprehensive plan continues. The ceasefire remains fragile and the humanitarian situation continues to be very difficult. We welcomed the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 2803 on the establishment of the Board of Peace and of a temporary international stabilisation force. We called on all parties to implement the resolution in its entirety and in line with relevant international political and legal principles. The Council reiterated the European Union's commitment to contributing to this implementation, including through an enhanced mandate for the European Union border assistance mission for the Rafah crossing point and the European Union police mission for the Palestinian territories. We said we stand ready to support the establishment of the Board of Peace and will actively engage with partners on the next steps. The Council reaffirmed the European Union's strong commitment to international law and to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the two-state solution. For my part, I stressed the need for the European Union to do all we can to alleviate the appalling humanitarian situation in Gaza. Despite commitments given in the comprehensive plan, the level of humanitarian assistance entering Gaza remains nowhere near enough and this is very worrying as people, particularly children, are still suffering enormously. The Council condemned the massive increase in settler violence against Palestinian civilians and underlined the importance of de-escalation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. We emphasised the importance of stability in Lebanon and Syria to allow them to recover from conflict and highlighted the importance of UNIFIL to Lebanon. We insisted that all parties - Israel and Hezbollah - must abide by the terms of UN SCR 1701 and condemned attacks on UNIFIL peacekeepers. Having visited the Irish contingent in UNIFIL in December, I observed for myself the excellent job it is doing in very challenging circumstances. Leaders also held a strategic discussion on the geo-economic situation and its implications for the European Union's competitiveness. Informed by the Letta and Draghi reports, the European Council set important orientations last year on re-establishing a much stronger political focus on economic competitiveness, dynamism and productivity growth. This included the immediate priorities of simplifying regulation, lowering energy costs and strengthening the link between private savings and investment. Unlocking the full potential of the Single Market is also vitally important. Leaders will return to competitiveness issues at an informal meeting of the European Council dedicated to the topic in Belgium on 12 February. Our goal should be nothing less than making Europe the best place in the world to start and grow a business, including through a completely modernised digital environment and significantly strengthened research and innovation systems. This will be the foundation for future prosperity that must underpin our shared values and wider political objectives. Prior to the December European Council, I joined fellow EU leaders and the leaders of five countries in the western Balkans for the European Union-Western Balkans Summit. This annual meeting is a welcome opportunity to reaffirm our commitment to the European Union membership perspective of the countries of the western Balkans and investment in peace, security, stability and prosperity in our neighbourhood. At the European Council, leaders held a strategic discussion on how to advance enlargement, calling on candidate and potential candidate countries to continue implementing the necessary reforms to align with European Union law. The European Union of the future will be larger and, therefore, we also need to undertake internal reforms to ensure that we can remain effective as a union of more member states. The Commission has already undertaken considerable work in that regard and is expected to share its policy reviews with member states in the course of 2026. Ireland has long been a strong advocate for enlargement and making progress will be a priority of our Presidency in the second half of this year. I believe we can close all negotiating chapters with Montenegro by the end of our Presidency and make significant progress in the accession negotiations with Albania, Ukraine and Moldova. As the House is aware, antisemitism is a growing scourge around the world. It must be stamped out wherever it arises. The European Council reflected on the evil gun attack targeting Sydney's Jewish community gathered on Bondi Beach to celebrate the beginning of Hanukkah and we condemned all forms of antisemitism and hate, intolerance, racism and xenophobia. I look forward to the forthcoming European Union anti-racism strategy, due to be published shortly. Leaders will return to many of these issues to assess progress and discuss further actions at the next formal meeting of the European Council in March. Before concluding, I am sure the House will join with me in expressing full support for Denmark and our solidarity with the people of Greenland. The future of Greenland is a matter to be determined by Denmark and by Greenlandic people in line with well-established democratic principles and international law. Ireland has consistently underlined that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states is a fundamental principle of the United Nations Charter and must be respected in all circumstances. The meeting of the European Council in December was another crucial one. I am sure that there are many more to come as we grapple with the challenges of a very uncertain world and seek to protect and advance our values, security and prosperity. I look forward to continuing our discussions in this House on this very important agenda for Ireland, especially as we take up the responsibility of the European Union Presidency on 1 July.

These debates on the European Council are a useful opportunity to articulate many issues in the world. Unfortunately, ten minutes would hardly be enough now; 20 minutes would suffice. I want to start by saying how disappointed I am that the European Council spent so little time discussing the biggest conflict in the world at this moment in time, namely, Sudan. It is a conflict that has seen perhaps hundreds of thousands of people killed and millions displaced. Europe and Ireland have close relationships with a country very much encouraging and potentially inflaming the conflict there. It is bitterly disappointing that the biggest conflict and most serious humanitarian situation in the world, a site of immense human suffering, received a fleeting reference in the Taoiseach's statement. At a European Council level, it received effectively no attention. Ireland should take it upon itself to ensure at subsequent European Council meetings that the conflict, tragedy and slaughter receives much greater attention than it is receiving at this point in time. I will touch on a number of areas. Unfortunately, it is difficult to touch on all of them in the limited time afforded to me given the state of the world at this point in time. I want to take this opportunity to condemn the severe and desperate violence against protesters in Iran. The reports coming out of Iran are shocking. The latest reports indicate that perhaps more than 2,000 people have been killed in a wave of repression against protesters. This comes on top of Internet blackouts, thousands of arrests and many people injured. It is very clear that the protest in Isfahan, Tehran and many other cities are significant and represent deep dissatisfaction with the Iranian Government. People have a right to protest and demonstrate and this must be respected. There is no justification for the large-scale repression that is happening. No one should face death or injury for protesting. We express our condemnation of violence, whether against protesters or others, and call on the Iranian Government to respect the rights of protesters to demonstrate and speak out about their entirely legitimate grievances. We are discussing this at a highly uncertain and volatile time. There is conflict in the Middle East, Ukraine, Sudan, Venezuela and many other places. We have an Administration in the United States that has totally departed from the norms of international politics and shaken up its relationship with its allies. It has caused allies to question whether they have allies. At times, that Administration has attacked the Ukrainian Government and backed a policy in Gaza that is totally unacceptable. We still have the potential for escalating trade wars that could have major implications for Ireland and jobs across all economies. There is a crisis in international development as aid projects across the global south are threatened by massive cuts to aid and other countries have also reduced expenditure. There is the threat of global warming. Several countries have failed to meet their obligations under the Paris agreement. The most powerful economy in the world - the US - has withdrawn from the agreement altogether. With regard to the US Administration, we have enormous concerns, as I hope the Government does, regarding the intensified threats made by US President Trump towards Greenland. It is illogical and without any sense or reference to any framework. There is a Danish Government and a Greenlandic Government that are entirely open to dialogue, yet the US Government and President Trump seem to have an obsession with and fixation on the US acquiring Greenland for national security priorities. It is seriously alarming and should be seen in the context of a flagrant disregard for international law and sovereignty. That is very evident in the attack on Venezuela and the detention of President Maduro. These attacks were, in many respects, a naked power grab to gain control of commodities. The track record of the United States in attempting to force regime change by violence has been catastrophic for countries and entire regions. This latest intervention risks more death and suffering. It is not the place of western countries to force regime change and these attacks were quite clearly motivated by commodities. This is a naked power grab to gain control of Venezuelan oil. The US has, in effect, said as much. There are clearly many flaws in the Venezuelan Government, with Maduro and subsequently, and its respect for democracy. However, the democratic process needs to be respected by external actors, including the US, and the Venezuelan Government. Ultimately, the issue relates to sovereignty. John McTernan was head of communications for Tony Blair in that British Government and I note his comments during the course of what has happened. I do not think one has to have a particularly radical opinion to be appalled by what happened to President Maduro. His comment was that, "Most sensible people are sceptical of kidnapping foreign politicians you disagree with", and I think that is entirely right. A lot of this comes back to sovereignty. That is the concern that many countries around the world have at this moment in time. I know it is in the concern of the Mexican Government. I know it is the concern of the Danish Government. It is clearly the concern of the Colombian Government and Cuban Government also. Listening to some of the commentary, it was difficult to know what the Irish Government thought, to be truthful. It did not seem it particularly wanted to say what it thought. Ultimately, I encourage the Irish Government to speak out on behalf of sovereignty and that we have to respect the sovereignty of governments-----

As well as the people of Venezuela.

Absolutely, yes. I have acknowledged that and I agree with that but we also have to acknowledge that for other jurisdictions, including Ukraine, Greenland, Denmark and all those other countries I referenced, there has been a precedent set. Regardless of whether the Irish Government likes a particular government, it has to acknowledge that a precedent has been set. If it does not speak out in respect of international law in one instance, it will be constrained from doing so in another instance. It clearly has implications for areas about which Ireland is concerned, such as Ukraine. It very obvious that the invader of Ukraine - the Russian Government of the Russian Federation - may seek to manipulate precedent such as this. It is important that the Irish Government stand on the side of international law in respect of that, as it has historically. That is crucial. I want to take the opportunity to reiterate Sinn Féin's solidarity with the people of Ukraine in the face of Russia's brutal invasion of their country. Four nearly four years now, the courageous people of Ukraine have stood against a brutal Russian onslaught and invasion. We have consistently called for efforts to build a sustainable and just peace. It must be sustainable and just. To ensure that, the Ukrainian people clearly have to be at the table. For too long, efforts have been made to exclude the Ukrainian people from the table and talk over them. Nothing can be decided about Ukraine without Ukraine. Ireland should use its voice to the greatest extent possible to achieve and support an end to the conflict in Ukraine and support its people. I will return briefly to the situation in Sudan, which is truly horrifying. I recognise the Irish Government is one of a number of governments and does not take sole responsibility for the lack of emphasis on a European level on the conflict in Sudan, but we are talking about slaughter on an incredible scale. We are talking about hundreds of thousands of people. It is not even clear where tens of thousands of people even are. The numbers who have left Al Fashir and the numbers who are still in it do not correlate. Tens of thousands of people are potentially unaccounted for, with many likely slaughtered in what is ethnically motivated violence that is being fanned by external actors, including the United Arab Emirates in particular, with a flow of very sophisticated weaponry that is not of a small or limited scale, but of a large scale. Ireland and Europe have a strong relationship with that country. It has to begin to use its voice much more firmly, including at European level. This needs to get much closer to the top of the agenda at European level. Ireland must continue to consistently emphasis the need to maintain humanitarian access to alleviate widespread suffering of the civilian population and to provide humanitarian assistance to support communities in Sudan and those displaced in neighbouring countries. We heard from the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, that the occupied territories Bill would be limited to goods. At least, that is certainly how it was reported. To my mind, what the Government is proposing will create difficulties for it on all sides. If it is looking to address one concern, it is will create more on the other side. It comes back to that point of international law. We are talking about the two-state solution. If the two-state solution is the way forward - it is my view that it should be the way forward - the manner in which the Israeli Government is running away from that, by facilitating settler violence in the West Bank and the proposals it has for Gaza to effectively try to install some kind of viceroyship, is undermining that. The Irish Government has to find ways to exercise its influence. The occupied territories Bill is but one means of that but one crucial way and one in which it can lead the world. If it chooses not to do so, the Government will very much regret that in the years to come.

One of the areas we are quite concerned about is our reputation for being coherent and trusted within the European Union. To be clear, the Labour Party has been consistently opposed to the Mercosur deal on the basis of its impact on climate and the potential impact on workers' rights. The European Trade Union Confederation has been very strong on this for a number of years. Unfortunately, our Government has been anything but coherent in terms of its own approach. The Taoiseach himself stated that progress was being made towards a deal. He was speaking in the context of the farming and agricultural element of it. It then all fell down, to a point where some commentators said Ireland had lost a good and valuable ear on the floor that matters in Brussels. It is not so much the position but the incoherence. It is what we are saying privately versus what we are saying publicly. One of the Government's own MEPs is even backing the deal in direct opposition to his own Government. What does that say about the coherence of Irish policy when it comes to the European Council? How trusted will we be, especially as we are in the midst of an international security crisis? On security, I need to touch on our own airspace and how it is being used by the United States. The Minister, Deputy McEntee, confirmed that the US Embassy was contacted after it emerged that two US aircraft had flown over Irish sovereign airspace while tracking a ship in the North Atlantic that had attempted to collect oil from Venezuela last month. I understand that the embassy insisted it had complied with the 1959 agreement, but we are not sure or do not have confirmation that it did. Indeed, the Minister has not said that our State granted permission for those flyovers, as per the agreement. As the Minister of State knows, we have been far behind the ball on our own security for far too long. Our radar capabilities are non-existent, although the Government is making moves on that. I do not dispute that in any way. However, we needed to put out a call for assistance from European allies for the visit of President Zelenskyy recently. There are significant questions still hanging over what happened in relation to the drones that hovered just over the Irish Sea upon President Zelenskyy's approach, which raises huge concerns. I wanted to ask as well about our ability to track the Russian "sanction busting" shadow fleet. With the turmoil in Venezuela, what is happening in Iran, the threats President Trump is now making towards Cuba and what seems impending in relation to Greenland, the North Atlantic theatre in which Ireland is physically based is a centre of this instability. We need to be sure Ireland has the ability to monitor our own borders and our exclusive economic zone. The invasion of Venezuela and capture of Maduro, as illegitimate a president as he was, has obviously further shaken the international order. What level of discussions are taking place with EU leaders on this situation? Is the Government frustrated by the EU's constant monitoring of situations with little or no actions to actually back them up? It seems we are still grappling with a world where a former ally to Europe, the United States, is now acting if not like an enemy, then as a country that cannot be considered a trusted ally any more. The EU cannot continue to stay silent, particularly as Greenland is next in President Trump's crosshairs. How much discussion has taken place about Greenland and what will happen with troops if the sovereign territory of Greenland is taken over by the United States? This is a key question for Ireland: are we prepared to abolish the 1959 agreement and ban US military planes once and for all from landing in Shannon Airport if the US takes Greenland by force or supplantation, which is of course EU territory in relation to Denmark? On national security, would the Minister of State agree that the level of disinformation peddled through the algorithms on social media is a risk to our functioning democracy? I know we mentioned Russia and the threat of Russia in terms of cybersecurity. There is a huge and ongoing threat from Russia but there is a comparable threat from China. All we have to do is get briefings from our own National Cyber Security Centre about that. I know the Government had a huge visit to China. That was lauded by the likes of Clare Daly, but China is a threat when it comes to cybersecurity. I want to know at what level are we, as a nation with our EU partners, tackling China in relation to their cybersecurity and other threats?

I welcome the opportunity to speak on the statements following the meeting of the European Council in December. I thank the Taoiseach for outlining some of the matters that were discussed. Ukraine, the Middle East and EU enlargement were referenced. It is only a matter weeks since the European Council meeting and yet the entire world has changed in those few weeks. I might touch on some of the international developments, but the issue in Greenland is one we have to approach with great consideration here in Ireland. In many ways, the way the European Union responded to the Russian invasion of Ukraine set a standard for our commitment to sovereignty, integrity and respect of borders and foreign countries. That happened because of agreement across Europe. That is also why it did not happen in relation to Gaza, as there was not agreement across Europe, although there was agreement in regard to those occupied territories in the West Bank and sanctions that were imposed there. That agreement across Europe is probably the point I am touching on and, in that respect, we need to consider the heightened rhetoric from the United States and how that is impacting the idea that it would take control of Greenland. We should be careful not to get sucked into a spiral of commentary around an issue or try to inflate it. I hope the talks today between the Danish and Greenlandic foreign ministers will result in a de-escalation. In that context, the primary concerns I have heard in the media have been in regard to NATO and how that will impact NATO. From an Irish perspective as a non-NATO country, however, our concerns lie in the potential repercussions for Ireland and the wider EU. Ireland is a neutral country, and while we are aligned to Denmark through the EU - not in a military way but in terms of our economic ties - we do not have a role in the NATO question. However, another challenge will come before us both in Ireland and the EU, which is that if there was an infringement in Greenland of any size, Denmark would very likely and, I would say, correctly seek from its EU partners the same sanctions that were imposed on Russia. That is a big question - if we, alongside our other EU partners, would be ready to impose sanctions on the United States. We imposed those in regard to Russia and the question is what seismic impact sanctions on US individuals and US companies or the US Government itself might have. As I say, this is alarming territory to be in and I do not want to add hyperbole to it, but if Denmark proposes that at the table, two things could happen: our relationship with the United States could be incredibly damaged or our relationship with the European Union could be incredibly damaged. Ireland has to be very conscious of that. I urge the United States to de-escalate the harmful rhetoric that is taking place because it is destructive. I do not see what benefit it brings to the people on either side of the Atlantic. It will have an impact on the common person in terms of people's jobs, trade and so on. It is hard for Irish people not to look at Greenland from the post-colonial position that we take. Greenland is obviously a self-governing entity within the Kingdom of Denmark. Interestingly, in reading up on it, I did not realise that it had actually left the European Communities. It was the first entity to leave the European Communities over fishing rights in 1985. Ultimately, it had a vote in 1982. In leaving the European community, it does not have the same protections, but it operates within as an overseas territory. Even that phrase and regarding something as an overseas territory are uncomfortable for an Irish person. Ultimately, the people of Greenland have the right to dictate their future, but they should be able to rely on the support of the European Union. In many ways, it is a tiny entity and a tiny enclave, but it sits in a very important part of the world. We have to be very conscious of how a small number of fewer than 100,000 people might have a massive impact on trade and jobs for millions of people across Europe and the United States. I have not had too many telephone calls to my constituency office about Venezuela or Greenland, but these are the topics that arise at an international level and when they start to have an impact, that is when the rubber hits the road. On Venezuela, there is no doubt that Venezuela lacked a democratically elected president under Maduro and it was an incredibly repressive regime. There is no doubt that there were huge constitutional tensions and elections and also that the Venezuelan-led transition from peace to democracy in the country has to be respected by whoever has control of Venezuela. That should be the Venezuelan people, I will say. The idea that Donald Trump can dictate that Marco Rubio or anybody else will run Venezuela is concerning, but it places on whoever is responsible for administering the country the responsibility to put in place a peaceful transition. Whether that is the remainder of the Maduro regime, some sort of United States influence or the opposition, we need a peaceful transition in that country. Maduro was a bad application of an important principle, and that important principle is that international law should exist. While it is uncomfortable to maybe lean on that principle in the defence of a man whom many of us disagreed with, and many of us disagreed with how he how he operated, the international principle remains. I note Bulgaria's joining of the eurozone to become the 21st member state. It is incredibly important as we go forward with the eurozone that we continue to have the principal economic restrictions on membership and activity. I remember in first year in my economics course learning about asymmetric shocks in an optimum currency area and whether there was such a thing as an optimum currency area. We saw how Greece, Ireland, Portugal and Spain had a massive impact on the eurozone. As we continue to expand and if there are opportunities to expand, we also need to continue to monitor how additional countries joining the eurozone might have a larger impact in terms of the risk or the optimum currency area. However, it is a positive thing to see further European integration. While we look around the world at all of the different levels of chaos, I suppose there might be frustration in the European Union at the lack of decision-making and progress, but the stability it provides, including across the European Continent in different governments, is welcome in a time of incredible change.

The frustrating thing about this post-Council meeting discussion is that, first, there is not enough time to discuss a lot of the issues and, second, for it to work, we need to really get a sense of the Irish position in relation to what happened. The Taoiseach in his opening statement outlined what Ireland's position was on some of the issues. If we are to continue with these things, it would be really useful if we had that approach going forward. It gives us a better sense of what was actually discussed and what the Irish position is on any of these huge issues. As the Taoiseach said, geo-economic issues were discussed at the European Council meetings. Food safety and security are clearly part of this. Mercosur was not a formal item, but I want to touch on that. My party, Sinn Féin, has been consistent for decades now that Mercosur is a bad deal for Ireland. It threatens the viability of many family farms, undermines climate and food standards and opens the door to substandard imports that are negative for both Irish consumers and Irish producers. My concern also is that, in many cases, it is poor people who will be buying what I see as substandard food that is laced with all sorts of steroids, hormones and everything else. It is just not on. Ireland’s beef and dairy sectors are among the most export orientated in the EU but they also operate higher environmental, animal welfare and traceability standards. South American ranchers can buy all the steroids and antibiotics they want and pump them into their cattle. We had the Bolsonaro government cutting down the rainforest. We are saying we are concerned about the environment but this will wipe out huge parts of the Amazon rainforest. Many of the cattle from that area will come to Ireland. The Government said it appreciates the concerns relating to Mercosur. While it voted against the trade deal, many believe this only came to pass because it was safe in the knowledge that the vote would pass as a result of Italy’s decision to support it. The Government waited until the eleventh hour to make sure it would not make waves in Europe. Maybe I am just an old cynic but that is not leadership. It is cynical play-acting and most Irish people will not be fooled by it. I am worried about the European Parliament’s role in this regard. Disappointingly, Barry Andrews MEP has stated clearly that he is going to vote in favour of the deal. Seán Kelly MEP is not saying which way he means to vote. He is waiting to see what way the wind blows, presumably. Importing 99,000 tonnes of beef and 180,000 tonnes of poultry into the EU will have a catastrophic impact on Irish and EU farmers, depressing prices and destabilising rural livelihoods. I made the point that when it comes to the consumers, it is the poorer people who will be impacted most negatively. Mercosur will only further incentivise deforestation, biodiversity loss and environmental destruction in Mercosur countries, particularly Brazil.

I start by expressing my solidarity with the protesters in Iran and condemning the brutal repression they are facing. This week has brought into sharp focus how action or inaction at EU level has a real impact on our citizens. Commitment to the European project means being an active and critical participant in it, willing to push back and push hard on trade deals, laws and regulations that impact on all of our lives. Today I will talk about how our active and critical participation as a member state of the EU could impact on Mercosur, Palestine, Ukraine and the digital space. Starting with Mercosur, with the threat of flip-flopping from the Government last week and the uncertainty about what way Ireland would vote on a trade deal that is deeply unpopular with the Irish people, I want to hear what this Government did in December, where it stood on Mercosur and how we have ended up in this situation where this deal may pass without the protections we need for our climate and farmers. Tá téip iomlán déanta ag an Rialtas seasamh suas dár bhfeirmeoirí agus dár dtimpeallacht. No one in this Chamber has been quiet about our feelings on Mercosur. It is incredible to me that we are expected to believe that the Government did everything possible to ensure there were protections in this deal and avoid it being passed by the Council when there were questions last week as to which way Ireland was even going to vote. Mercosur will be a disaster for our environment, farmers and consumers. Last November, during post-European Council statements, I raised my concerns about the Government’s lack of willingness to stand up for the things which make us proud to be Europeans. I cited Mercosur as a key issue where we were not seeing enough action from the Government in defence of those core values. I am frustrated and disappointed to have been proven right with the result last week. We are already seeing extreme weather events in this country. We are nearly one year on from Storm Éowyn. The impact of climate change is touching Irish people’s lives and it is vital that we do everything in our power to stop it. When it comes to negotiating tables, budgets and policies at EU Council level and domestically, however, I am not seeing the commitment from this Government to make it a priority. Gaza is still very much under siege. In the past two months, we have seen the ceasefire, which now seems to be an empty phrase, become deadlier and deadlier for Palestinians still in Gaza. In parallel with this, settler violence in the West Bank continues, resulting in killings, demolitions and the forceful expulsion of Palestinians from their homes and villages where they have been for generations. This is all on top of the day-to-day structural violence of the apartheid system and the illegality of the settlements. The EU has completely lost focus on the fact that the ruling of the International Court of Justice, ICJ, made clear that it is not just extremist settlers who are the problem. Rather, all Israeli settlements in the West Bank are illegal and we have a legal duty not to support or trade with them. It is the Israeli state that is perpetrating the system of human rights abuses and apartheid in the West Bank, Israel and Gaza. It is the Israeli state that is in breach of the human rights clause in the EU-Israel association agreement and yet, because of a ceasefire where children and innocent civilians continue to be bombed and shot, we are refusing to suspend the agreement and continue to let Israel benefit financially. We cannot allow human rights to be traded away. What action has the Irish Government taken to progress the suspension of the EU-Israel association agreement and ensure full compliance with international law at EU level? Similarly, Russia’s brutal war of aggression continues in Ukraine and we continue to see loss of life and lives made unliveable for our European brothers and sisters. In respect of the upcoming digital omnibus, I want to explore how European-level regulation of the online space is being handled within our membership of the EU. The last few weeks have proven that regulation of the digital space is more vital than ever. As a result of things going wrong and the public being angry and afraid, we have seen a rush to finally codify the AI Act into Irish law ahead of schedule. I am glad to see that but the elephant in the room is that there is no point bringing the AI Act into operation only to have it immediately gutted alongside GDPR as part of the digital omnibus. We are the lead regulator for a slew of big tech companies headquartered in Dublin. We need to show that Ireland is up to the task and that the safety and protection of our citizens do not have a price tag and will not be traded away to big tech for corporation tax receipts. The simplification agenda has so far proven to not be about making rules simpler to comply with but, rather, removing them entirely for whole sectors. We have already seen proof of that with the corporate sustainability due diligence directive, CSDDD. Instead of supporting businesses in compliance, we are creating a more complex web of who these rules do and do not apply to. This is not based on the protections of our rights and preserving the integrity of what little protection people have but on how the rights of citizens are interfering with the bottom lines of businesses. We cannot put a price tag on the safety of people online or the protection of our children and communities but that is exactly what the digital omnibus, as proposed by the Commission, aims to do. I want to understand what Ireland is going to do to push back on that digital omnibus.

I welcome the opportunity to contribute to this debate following the European Council meeting in December. I will focus my remarks on Ireland’s upcoming Presidency of the EU and the opportunity that this presents to reconnect European policymaking with people and communities on the ground across the country. Europe is not an abstract concept; Europe is present in every city, town and village across Ireland. It is present in our roads and public transport, water and housing infrastructure, community facilities, skills and training programmes and opportunities available to young people. That connection is not always visible and it cannot be taken for granted. Ireland has enjoyed strong and consistent public support for EU membership but positive sentiment must be nurtured. If people do not see or understand how European decisions affect their daily lives, that connection can weaken. That is why engagement at the local level is so important. Local authorities are uniquely placed to play this role. They are closest to the citizens. They deliver on the ground and are often the first point of contact between citizens and public services. When local authorities are well equipped to engage with EU policy and funding, Europe becomes real and tangible for people rather than distant or abstract. In that context, I highlight the strategic role of the Irish Regions European Office, IREO. It provides a shared service for the three regional assemblies and all 31 local authorities, supports the Irish delegation to the European Committee of the Regions and acts as a vital bridge between Brussels and local government in Ireland. I welcome the recent strengthening of the office with additional staff now in place in Brussels, bringing the total to four. However, as EU policy and funding programmes become more complex and competitive, a gap remains at the local level. A proposal has been developed to support local authorities through dedicated EU officers working in regional clusters. That proposal is not yet implemented but Ireland’s upcoming EU Presidency presents the ideal opportunity to advance it. A Presidency naturally raises awareness of Europe, increases engagement with EU institutions and creates momentum across the public service. It is precisely the right moment to ensure that local authorities have the tools, the expertise and the support to engage meaningfully, not just during the Presidency but long after it is concluded. If we want Europe to be visible and relevant in every community, we must empower those who work closest to the people on the ground. Strengthening local authority engagement with Europe is not just about funding. It is about trust, understanding and democratic connection. As we prepare for Ireland's EU Presidency, I urge the Government to see this as an opportunity to leave a lasting legacy, one that deepens public engagement with Europe, strengthens our regions and ensures the benefits of EU membership continue to be felt, understood and valued in every part of the country.

As I said to Ursula von der Leyen when she came to this Chamber in 2024, the inconsistency, hypocrisy and double standards of the European Union and, by and large, our own Government when it comes to foreign policy are stunning, shocking and unacceptable. The Government opens its statement, as is often the case - understandably - with reference to Ukraine. It rightly says that Putin is not interested in peace, he is an imperialist and it is a brutal, illegal and aggressive war. I have heard the Taoiseach describe Putin as imperialist, which is absolutely right. Putin believes he has the right to a sphere of influence around Russia, which he has no right to, and consequently denies the right to self-determination. When Donald Trump and his Administration produce a national security strategy that says they have the right to decide what happens in the whole of South America, Canada and Greenland, there is silence from the European Union. Whatever one may think about Maduro, and I do not think much of his authoritarian and corrupt regime, Donald Trump has no right to go in to Venezuela and militarily attack it, kidnap its President and his wife and kill hundreds of people in the process. Trump has no right whatsoever to Greenland or to threaten it and to talk about the easy way or the hard way. He has no right to threaten, as he has done, Cuba, Mexico and so on or to impose an American sphere of influence. In a strategy document Trump explicitly reasserts that the Monroe Doctrine applies to the whole American Continent. There is silence from the same people who get up and describe as unacceptable what Putin is doing, which, by the way, it is. There is a failure to call out the continuing arming by Trump, America and leading EU states of the genocidal massacre that continues against the people of Gaza and Palestine. Just to rub salt into the horrific wounds, Donald Trump invites Netanyahu over for new year's celebrations in his mansion. This man is evil. Putin is evil and Trump is evil but do European governments apply the same principles and standards to these two people? Not at all. They continue to tolerate it, be quite about it or, worse, reinforce the hypocrisy. They fail to condemn the shocking fact that Germany, Britain and France continue to provide weapons and so on to the Israeli regime, which is guilty of genocide and continues to deny aid getting into Gaza. I will get on to Iran shortly but at the same time that this Government is calling for escalating sanctions against Iran, it is simultaneously saying it has to dilute the occupied territories Bill, it is not sure if the Bill should include services and it is not sure when it will pass. We are two years into a genocidal massacre, when the Israeli Government is in the dock for crimes against humanity and genocide, but still there are no sanctions. Worse still, the Government's partners in Europe continue to arm the regime that is committing this. Apparently, however, our Government is horrified by the actions of the Iranian Government. I condemn absolutely the killings by the Iranian Government of protesters protesting about the cost of living, corruption and repression in Iran. The Government of Iran should be condemned and should stop killing protesters. It should engage with people fighting to reform that country and end the media and social media blackout, which is a disgrace. It is equally clear, however, that Trump has no role. Trump has threatened Iran militarily, while he is also threatening Greenland, attacking Venezuela and arming the genocide in Gaza. He has no part to play in Iran. He is a hypocrite who is only interested in oil and influence. He is killing protesters in his own country, having defended the assassination of a mother of three who was driving away from an ICE officer, and there are paramilitaries running around arresting people in US cities. Trump is nearly provoking a civil war in his own country. He has no role to play in Iran. The people of Iran should decide their own future. I stand with the protesters there but the hypocrisy of the European Union and Trump is absolutely stunning. It is disgraceful that our Government continues to give cover to it.

I will continue with the theme of the hypocrisy and double standards of some European leaders and our own Government. I will touch on the issue of fisheries and what happened at the December Agriculture and Fisheries Council and Mercosur, in particular, the utter failure of Micheál Martin to stand up for Ireland's interests, speak truth to power and confront the hypocrisy at the heart of the European Commission. Let us start with fisheries. Muireann Kavanagh, a 14-year-old girl based on Arranmore Island off the coast of Donegal, was stopped from fishing for pollock with a hook and line. That is the most low-impact fishing one can think of. It cannot possibly do any environmental damage but still it was illegal for her to do it. Whereas she was banned from doing that, super trawlers go up and down the coast of Ireland and hoover up all sorts of fish, legal and illegal, perfectly within the rules of the Common Fisheries Policy. There are five corporations involved but one in particular, PVP, is based in Holland. These companies control one in six of all the fish caught in the European Union. They buy up quotas, legally, from a broken system across Europe and then they put it all into super trawlers. While they are at sea, they change licence to licence and hoover up fish. This is not only occurring in European-controlled waters. These companies have invested heavily in Iceland and the Faroe Islands. They have recklessly and devastatingly overfished mackerel, pushing the Atlantic mackerel species to the edge of the precipice. It is utter environmental devastation, destruction and degradation. Nobody in the Government has named these companies or spoken out about what they have done. Worse still, these companies actively lobbied European governments to block the only mechanism the Irish Government has, the Hague Preferences, which provided that our quota would not go below a certain level due to the amount of fish in our waters that we gave away. This mechanism has been in place for decades. It had never been blocked until December last. France, Germany, the Netherlands and Poland rowed in behind these corporations and endorsed environmental destruction, environmental recklessness and utter greed. They endorsed it and sacrificed the Irish fishing communities. There was not a word about it from Micheál Martin. Did the Taoiseach get legal advice to block it? I do not know. I got some information from a freedom of information request in recent days but there is no evidence in the damn thing. Is the way the Taoiseach handled Mercosur a shock? Again, this is about hypocrisy and double standards. The Government tells farmers in Ireland, rightly, that they must meet the highest animal health and environmental standards and that we are facing a climate challenge. They have been asked to meet those standards and have done so. That is why we have world-class beef standards. What does the European Commission do in order that it can have commerce with South America? It allows beef that has none of those standards to flood our markets.

That is not true.

Where is climate change, climate justice, the green economy and all the other areas where we play by the rules? There are double standards when it comes to doing trade and commerce. I endorse everything Deputy Richard Boyd Barrett said. It is utter hypocrisy. The world rules of engagement, be they on human rights, basic decency or trade and commerce, mean nothing because the leadership of the European Commission is utterly incapable of doing what is right by people across Europe and the world.

It goes without saying we are in a world with absolute double standards at this point and it is not a case of what is good for the goose is good for the gander. With Iran, I think we are all in agreement that no one wants to see protesters who are out protesting against higher costs, and the other particular issues they have, die and nobody wants to see executions. None of this is good enough but we also have to call out all that is being done at the minute. I am not entirely sure what the western world even means any more but if we are talking about the European Commission and the moral high ground, it is very difficult to have that when it will call out one actor but not another. The actor we will not call out sufficiently at this time is Donald Trump given the fact that whatever leader he does not like, he is just going to take them out, kidnap them and do whatever. When I watched that press conference by him, Pete Hegseth, Maro Rubio and others it reminded me of myself at about 12 years of age after watching "The A-Team" or something because that is the level we are talking about. Only it is not funny because of what they are doing which is death and destruction and the international rulebook going out the window and being absolutely burnt. Deputy Mac Lochlainn is right because I have spoken lately to those in Clogherhead in my constituency who talked about how difficult it was to be a fisherman and how difficult it was for the fishing industry but now they see absolutely no future whatsoever. I will be honest that I did not make to Athlone to protest against the absolute disaster for Irish farming that Mercosur is. I did not make it there because a number of farmers contacted me as they were having their own protest in Dundalk. It was a very short one in support of Athlone because they wanted their voices recognised due to the fact the Government went against the deal at the last minute way. Farmers told me they could not see that as being anything other than disingenuous. What they need to see now from the Government, which I hope the Minister of State will give some information on, is a roadmap for taking action to oppose properly the current deal which is bad for people's health and bad for Irish farming. We are talking about almost 100,000 tonnes of beef coming from South America and 180,000 tonnes of poultry that could contain hormones, antibiotics and materials farmers across Europe cannot use. We are endangering people's health and for what? We all accept the need for commerce and free trade deals. However, we need to protect not only the environment but also the health of the people and the health of the sustainable farming industry. We can talk about Sudan, Palestine and Greenland but we need to see less of the double standards and we need to see the Government standing up for a real deal in relation to what a just world is.

I wish to raise neutrality in the European context. Incredibly, there was an article published in The Times in the last few weeks that reported an allegation made by British intelligence that Wexford fishermen have been approached by the Russian army to pull cable-cutting tools behind their trawlers to cut Irish cables. It is an incredible allegation that besmirches and blackens the names of those fishermen. It basically states those fishermen in Kilmore Quay are in some way traitors and acting against the national interests of this country for money. I have spoken to our councillor there, Jim Codd, who knows these fishermen well and has been working with them through the times where they have their quotas cut and the Government has introduced laws that have reduced their ability to earn a living for their families. It is absolutely wrong that British intelligence would make these accusations and I would like the Government to investigate those allegations. At the heart of this is black propaganda designed to create fear about Ireland's defence and to push Ireland into a situation where it is seeking to join a European army and a military alliance, which is obviously against the interests of this country, against neutrality and against our good name as peacekeepers in the international community. I ask the Minister of State to address this issue and to make sure he defends the name of Irish fisherman and stands up against British intelligence.

I want to disassociate myself from the remarks by some from Sinn Féin and other parties here on Venezuela. The Maduro and Chavez regimes were absolutely appalling. I know many people from Venezuela, many of whom who live here and many who are personal friends of mine living in Spain, who have gone through horrible times in their lives. Their families are still there and I have never heard the like of the things that have happened, the crimes against humanity and the living in fear day in, day out that occurred in Venezuela. People talk about Trump being after the oil but the oil was being sold to China, so I want to disassociate myself from people who associate themselves with support for China, Russia and Iran. When it comes to Iran, we talk about people invading and I heard Deputy Boyd Barrett talking about it but this is not anything strange-----

What was I talking about?

There was-----

What was I talking about?

Is it my turn or is it Foxes Before Babies?

Deputy Boyd Barrett, will you allow him to speak?

He was making reference to me.

Allow him to speak.

Is it my turn or is it Foxes Before Babies?

He was making reference to me.

I hope I will be given the time back.

You will.

Thank you, a Leas-Cheann Comhairle. I hear these comments about this being unusual and this being strange but we can look at record of this House from when Panama was invaded in 1989 and Noriega was removed. It was a very different story in this House, so we see precedent. I congratulate President Trump for what he is doing and send him my support because there are a lot of people who, because they do not like the individual, will jest and pick out and attack everything but we have to question who is paying other people in this House given what they are saying and where their support is coming from and what is behind it. I move to the Mercosur deal, which is one of the most important things here. We talk about atrocities that are happening around the world but the European Union is committing an atrocity here. It is bringing in beef from a country we cannot trace it in. The Minister of State knows as well as I do we produce the best beef in the world in this country with 100% traceability. Why would we want to move away from that? Why would we want to have carcinogenic beef coming into this or other European countries at any time? That is poisoning our own citizens.

I would like to be able to give my time to Mercosur but time is tight and another dirty deal has been done in Europe, at the expense of Irish fishermen. The mackerel quota and the whitefish haddock quota has been pretty much wiped out and it is an absolute disaster for Ireland's coastal communities. The International Council for the Exploration of the Sea has recommended a cut to just 174,357 tonnes for 2026. That is a 70% drop from 576,958 tonnes last year. Despite that, Norway, the UK, the Faeroe Islands and Iceland have secured a combined total allowable catch of 299,000 tonnes, which is nearly double the scientific advice, while our fleet is being wiped out. While foreign supertrawlers come into Irish waters and take all our fish our lads are on the sidelines. Thanks to the failure to apply our Hague preferences Ireland's quota plummets from 39,914 tonnes to just 10,907 tonnes with an economic hit of about €48 million. With blue whiting, ICES is calling for a 41% cut yet we are watching others profit from our waters. Has the Minister of State proposed a meeting with President von der Leyen to address the failure of Hague preferences, the EU fisheries Commission and the protection of these stocks? They are systematic failures not minor errors. Ireland must fight back, launch a legal challenge and stand up for the big five corporations. Our fishermen deserve better. I have another question on Mercosur that will take two seconds. Are MEPs Barry Andrews, Regina Doherty and Seán Kelly going to be whipped to vote no to Mercosur or are they backing the Ursula deal? The Minister of State needs to tell us that.

We now move to the question and answer session. There is a short period for this so I ask Deputy Crowe to keep his questions short.

Was the relative failure of the Cyprus-Gaza maritime aid corridor discussed? Was any alternative suggested to simply shipping aid to an Israeli port to join the other thousands of tonnes of aid that has not been allowed through to Palestinian people who are living in tents? Were sanctions against Israel discussed owing to the massive increase in settler violence against Palestinian civilians, the spike in forced displacement and the annexation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem?

First, I have to correct the record. I said explicitly that I condemn the Putin regime. I will do the same about the Chinese regime by the way, which is an authoritarian, brutal regime. I also said the Maduro regime was authoritarian and undemocratic. Is that good enough for Deputy O'Flynn? He should not misrepresent me.

You are well able to represent yourself.

Do not misrepresent me. I am telling you now.

No, sorry. Deputies please.

Who is paying you?

Can we stick to questions, please.

Who is paying you?

Who is paying me? The Oireachtas is paying me, the same as it is paying you. The Irish public are paying me.

Let us not make allegations.

Who else is paying you?

Who is paying Deputy O'Flynn would be a better question. He says he supports Donald Trump.

There are cheques-----

He said he supports Donald Trump.

There are cheques marked-----

That is what he said.

Ask your question, please.

He said he supports Donald Trump.

We will move on. Does anyone else have a question?

Yes, I have a question.

Well, ask the question.

Some of the hunger strikers in England, who are in prison and have been designated as terrorists by the British Government because they protested against British complicity with the genocidal massacre that Israel is conducting against the Palestinian people, have now been on hunger strike for more than 70 days - they are very near death - some for more than 66 days. Whatever the Minister of State thinks about their protest or about hunger strike as a tactic, these people were acting in good conscience against what they saw as crimes against humanity and they are facing death. Has the Irish Government made any representations whatsoever to the Starmer Government? The reason they are in prison is that he has designated people who did not hurt anyone as terrorists. Starmer is not representing the views of the vast majority of English people in doing that and now young people could die as a result. Does the Government have anything to say as these people face their possible death?

Will the Minister of State raise the issue of the shocking allegations being made by British intelligence against fishermen in this country about the cutting of cables off the coast of Ireland? Will he demand the British ambassador and Keir Starmer's Government provide evidence and information about these allegations, desist from making them and withdraw them? Will he also call out the objective behind these allegations? It is in some way to push Ireland into a European defence union, a European army or NATO, three options which are extreme threats to our sovereignty and independence. These are not just on an individual basis a besmirching of the names of these fishermen but, on a national basis, they are ignorant allegations that should be stopped straight away.

Stick to questions, please. Deputy O'Flynn.

Can we take a few questions and I will respond and then take a few more?

I noticed yesterday an announcement by the Irish Government of additional funds being made available to the people of Palestine. There was an announcement before Christmas of €125 million made available to Ukraine. That is a total spend of €269 million. Can I get a clear run of that? How is it policed? When that money goes out of the State, how do we track where and how it goes and what groups are allocated those funds? How do we track to make sure it does not fall into the wrong hands? As the Minister of State will be aware, €269 million is approximately 678 €370,000 houses.

Does the Minister of State want to reply to those questions?

If that is okay. I do not want to forget any question if I can avoid it. On Gaza, significant aid was announced by the Minister this week. The European Council discussed the Middle East at some length during the meeting in December. The Irish Government is focused on support for the people there. That is important and the European Council supported the ceasefire, supports the commitment the EU has to a just and lasting peace based on a two-state solution in accordance with the UN Security Council resolutions everyone is only too familiar with. They talk about implementation as well, how we achieve our objectives, stressing the need for rapid, safe and unimpeded delivery and sustained distribution of humanitarian aid at scale into Gaza, including via the Cyprus-Gaza maritime corridor Deputy Seán Crowe mentioned, to supplement land routes. In fairness to the European Council and certainly to the Taoiseach, the idea is to get as much aid as possible - a surge of aid - into Gaza. It is badly needed. The European Council called in particular for basic things like shelter, winter equipment and medical items to be allowed in. That is important. We have robust checks on our overseas development aid. I say that to Deputy O'Flynn. It is a very important part of the work we do. Some of it goes to international bodies, some to state entities and some to religious bodies, including a lot of Catholic charities around the world, to make sure people who badly need it get the help and support they need. We are talking about, particularly in relation to Gaza, food and medical supplies, and covers for the winter for the bad weather conditions in Ukraine. There is an element of defence support there, but I can talk about one project I visited, which the Irish Government funded in association with Lithuania and the European Union. It was an underground school to allow children to continue their education during the war and also to give the local community somewhere to go when the bombs rain down on it, which unfortunately they continue to do. Hunger strikers in the UK were not discussed at the European Council. Everyone will have huge empathy for anyone on hunger strike, but it is not a matter I have addressed as Minister of State with responsibility for European affairs and it was not a matter on the agenda of the European Council. Regarding what Deputy Tóibín said, I certainly had no information about it until he mentioned it here. It took me quite a while to find it. I found the relevant article and paragraph and I would not pay too much heed to it, quite frankly. I have no information about it, but I can assure the Deputy that there are no proposals for a European defence pact - none whatsoever - and even if there were, Ireland could not support it without a referendum of the people. That is in the Constitution.

There is a vote coming up. A lot of people are dissatisfied and disappointed with the vote on Mercosur. People are worried about their health and so on. A vote is coming up in Europe where the MEPs will have a vote. We understand from assertions by certain MEPs from both parties that they intend to vote for the Mercosur agreement. What control do the Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael parties have over these MEPs? Can they insist they vote against Mercosur for the good of our consumers and farmers? I was in an establishment in Cork city yesterday evening and I met a man from Eyeries. I started asking him about lads I knew from along the Beara Peninsula and how they were getting on with the fishing. He frightened me when he told me the number of fellas who had got out and that more fellas were contemplating getting out of it. In light of the fact we have not seen a mackerel on our side of the country for three years, what is going on? What can the Government do and what will it do for the fishing industry? It is practically decimated. I hope it will do something for these good-living people who have to contend with everything, the dangers of the sea and the weather and everything else. Are we going to lose them altogether?

I am going to be like a twin brother to Deputy Healy-Rae because I have very similar questions. The Minister will know, and I have said already, the International Council for Exploration of the Sea has just recommended a cut to the fishing quota, with 174,357 tonnes for 2026. That is a 70% drop from 576,958 tonnes last year. What we want to know is whether the Irish Government is taking a legal challenge. Is the Government going to stand up on behalf of the Irish fishermen and take a legal challenge? Has it met President Ursula von der Leyen to address the failure of the Hague preferences, and where is it at in this present time? A legal challenge is the only way and mechanism we have and the Hague preferences are there. I have a question for the Minister of State regarding Mercosur. This will be the third time I ask it, between the Taoiseach and Ministers. Will Barry Andrews of Fianna Fáil, Regina Doherty of Fine Gael and Seán Kelly of Fine Gael vote for Mercosur? Is the Government going to apply the whip? In fairness, the Government came out last week with its position. There was a bit of a struggle but we got there. This is the third time I have asked this question and nobody on the other side of the House can answer it. Is the Government going to apply the whip? Are they backing Ursula or are they backing Ireland? That is what we are asking. It is a straight-up question and I want a straight-up answer. I would really appreciate an answer from the Minister of State. This is the third time I have asked.

If we rewind back nine or ten months, an awful lot of people in Ireland, particularly those employed in multinational companies, were very concerned about the threat of tariffs. We have entered into a bit of a frozen situation in that regard. Some headway was made but I would not say the deal that was arrived at was necessarily perfect in every manner or means. The situation as is has already had an impact on certain agrifood sectors, particularly the whiskey industry. The Minister of State might give an update on whether there was any discussion at the Council meeting on whether there is likely to be any shift in the tariffs picture. We cannot take our eye off the ball on that and we also need to look at diversification domestically. During my contribution at the outset I referenced the situation in Sudan. I am not putting all this on the Irish Government by any manner or means but at European level it is not getting the attention it deserves. I ask the Minister of State to comment on that. Literally hundreds of thousands of people have been killed in the past couple of years and there are millions of people displaced. It is going on and shows no sign of abating. I ask the Minister of State and the Irish Government to use whatever influence they can at the next Council meeting to try to push it further up the agenda.

Following on from that, could we have some answers regarding where the Irish Government proposes to go as regards Mercosur and some element of push back? We obviously know there is to be a vote by MEPs. The question has been asked on what way Government MEPs will vote. Beyond that, what engagement will there be with the rest of the MEPs across Europe? We need to keep maximum pressure on, whether that is to achieve absolute success or even to ensure the deal is made better, even at this late stage. We know the huge dangers from a health point of view but also for Irish farming in particular. I also wish to ask about where we stand now as regards Donald Trump and his threats in respect of Greenland. While we may have laughed this off at one stage, we cannot necessarily do that at this point. It absolutely puts a hand grenade among what anyone would have believed to be, for want of a better term, the rules of engagement. We all know that Europe and the European Commission have done huge work to make sure the Internet is a safe place but further work needs to be done. We know the whole issue of Grok, which can be seen at the minute as nothing other than a child pornography factory. It is engagement at European level that we need, as well as action here in Ireland.

We have two other questions and then we will finish. I call Deputy Boyd Barrett.

To frame what I said in the initial statements as a question to the Minister of State, and I would appreciate a response, this follows on from the last question about Trump. The Government has repeatedly and rightly condemned Putin for believing he has the right to decide what happens in states around Russia, including what he has done with the illegal occupation of Ukraine. The Government has condemned that and called it imperialism. Will the Government condemn Trump's threats against his neighbours and the national security strategy his Administration has published which states it has the right to decide what goes on in South America and Venezuela and to threaten to take the easy way or the hard way in respect of Greenland? Whatever one may think about the Venezuelan Government, Donald Trump does not have the right to decide it. Does the Minister of State agree that is imperialism and should be condemned, opposed and challenged every bit as much as the condemnation that has come freely about what Putin has done in Ukraine?

The Taoiseach referred to the Horizon Europe research programme, which includes the continuation of the PEACEPLUS programme. What was the reaction on that? If the Minister of State does not have time to reply, he might send us a note on it.

Briefly, on that last point on Horizon Europe and PEACEPLUS, the discussion is currently under way on the multi-annual financial framework. That is discussed at my council every month and they are two of our most important objectives, along with of course, the Common Agricultural Policy. It is our number one objective to get a fully funded and separate Common Agricultural Policy. The European leaders had a brief discussion on the multi-annual financial framework and they will ultimately decide the budget. In the meantime, we will continue the negotiations and that will climax during our Presidency. I can absolutely assure Deputies the Common Agricultural Policy, Horizon Europe and the PEACEPLUS programme, which benefits the North of Ireland and the Border counties, are very important. Regarding Mercosur and our MEPs, we do not have a whip on our MEPs; our MEPs can make the decisions. Barry Cowen wrote a really good article where he said he was against it and was voting against it but, in fairness to him, he set out the pros and cons. If an MEP was to vote for Mercosur, they would take into account what the Deputies are saying about beef, I have no doubt, but they would also take into account what may be the most important pharmaceutical plant in the world at present, Eli Lilly in Kinsale, in the constituency of Deputy Michael Collins, which will have a big drop in tariffs as a result of this. They will probably think about Liebherr in Killarney. Again, if that company is exporting to Mercosur countries it will experience a huge drop in tariffs and that will create and sustain employment in the Deputies' constituencies and constituencies all over the country.

Put all the companies ahead of the Irish farmer. You are dead right, boy.

Sorry, farmers------

You are heading in the right direction.

It is about safety as well, Minister.

Please, Deputies Collins and O'Flynn.

-----and the multinational companies in Little Island in Deputy O'Flynn's constituency. However, I have said all along, and the Government has said this consistently, that there is an issue with beef. Let us be clear what the issue is not, however. The issue is not standards within the European Union because the agreement specifically makes provision, and this continues no matter what way this goes at the end of the day, and it includes of beef that is already coming into the European market and that 99,000 tonnes which are already here. Tariffs are being reduced-----

It will be in Northern Ireland.

No, it is coming directly into the European Union. With tariffs-----

On 12 December we learned about contaminated beef that came in.

It is coming in directly at the moment.

What about the contaminated beef that came in?

The Deputies have had plenty of opportunity to ask questions.

What about the ten tonnes of cocaine that came into Spain from Brazil, disguised as beef?

That was a long way from beef.

To be absolutely clear, the rule is that animal, plant and food product placed on the European market has to comply with the EU sanitary and phytosanitary requirements.

Then why is it not complying? Why did it not comply previously? We have examples from December.

This is non-negotiable and applies regardless of the Mercosur trade agreement. In fact, they are specifically provided for in the Mercosur trade agreement.

The Deputy should show respect.

I have great respect for the Chair but I do not like the answers I am getting. We are being misled in this House.

Countries and establishments that produce food which comes into the EU market have to comply with EU law. There is an issue. There is no question-----

But it is not coming in like that and you know that.

-----that there is an issue relating to beef farmers in the Mercosur agreement and I have said that all along. There is no question, particularly in relation to price, because that 99,000 tonnes already coming into the European Union will have a lower tariff. That is not in doubt. The Deputies are telling me we should be telling the European MEPs what to do, but what people like Barry Cowen have done, without being told to do it, is to work on safeguards for farmers, whether this comes into effect or not. He has been working diligently. Other MEPs can vote in whatever way they see fit on behalf of their constituents. The factors they will take into account will include places like Eli Lilly and Liebherr; there is no question about that. Eli Lilly is one of the most important pharmaceutical plants with huge potential all round the world.

I did not say any different. They are doing great, thank God, but I am interested in looking after Irish beef and Irish poultry.

This will open new opportunities for them and for machinery as well. All I am saying is-----

They should not be sacrificed for it.

We are not sacrificing anybody-----

You are.

You are sacrificing the Irish farmer.

Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are a disgrace.

The Government has voted against it.

When the multinationals go, what happens then?

Will the Minister of State move on to other questions?

I will move on to fishing.

Order, please.

What is the Government going to do about the fishing? Will it shove them under the trawler as well?

I ask the Minister of State to move on to the other questions.

The fishing was not a good story. That was an outcome not of the European Council the Taoiseach attended but of the Agriculture and Fisheries Council and it will result in severely reduced fishing opportunities for Ireland this year.

You failed the fishermen and now you are failing the farmers. That is what you have done.

I acknowledge that this has had a devastating impact on rural communities. The Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, worked very hard in relation to it, talking to other countries. He went around and visited them and lobbied them-----

I had no idea.

-----and negotiated at the table, but those member states-----

He did not say it when he was here.

-----and the member states were mentioned here, choose to block the invocation of the Hague preferences for this year. This is a protection measure for Ireland. A number of options have been outlined here in the Dáil. No doubt any option will be considered by the Minister of State, Deputy Dooley, but what he is specifically doing is establishing a working group under Food Vision 2030 to develop a framework of support for the sector to address the challenges.

The time allocated for questions has now expired.

I have not answered most of them.

That is not my fault.

That is fine.

The Minister of State has five minutes to wrap up.

He can answer them in the five minutes.

Have you my answer?

In relation to Sudan, Sudan has been discussed at the European Council on many occasions, including comprehensive conclusions agreed at the October Council which the European Union is now following up on. Since then, it has been discussed at the Foreign Affairs Council. It is an issue that the Taoiseach raises on a regular basis. We have been accused of double standards in relation to Venezuela but everybody now agrees that Maduro was illegitimately elected. Why then, under Mary Lou McDonald's leadership, were two Sinn Féin members sent, not only to the inauguration of Maduro but to monitor the elections that were described by everybody else as a sham election?

Not monitoring.

Two of Sinn Féin's elected representatives went in 2018 as election monitors, not as part of the OSCE or as part of the UN or the EU, but as guests of the Venezuelan Government, to monitor those elections, which were a sham. They then attended his inauguration and now Sinn Féin accuses us of double standards. We saw that Venezuelan people in Dublin certainly said what they thought of Sinn Féin. We support international law, we support the enforcement of international law and we continue to engage with the United States. In relation to Greenland, I will have a call with my Danish counterpart tomorrow. That is an issue we will keep on the agenda. We are in full solidarity with the people of Greenland, in particular, and with the people of Denmark. Other issues that the Taoiseach did not address today but which were discussed included European security and defence, migration, the Pact for the Mediterranean, disinformation and foreign information manipulation, and the macro-regional strategy for the Atlantic, which is a new strategy that should be developed between Ireland, France, Spain and Portugal. On the defence issues, it is fairly clear Europe is not at war but we are not entirely at peace either. That is a fair comment that has been made. In December, the European Council condemned recent hybrid attacks against the EU and its member states. The European Council called for accelerated efforts to strengthen resilience, protect critical infrastructure, and to prevent, deter and respond to hybrid attacks in the EU. Even in the period since the last European Council meeting, we have seen further instances of damage or disruption to underseas cables in the Baltic Sea. Ireland is not immune from such threats and we take them extremely seriously. We have seen the increase in hybrid activity directed towards the EU - we have seen that in social media quite a lot - and we are actively and constructively engaging in the development of EU policies aimed at combating hybrid threats, in particular Russia's campaign of hybrid activity. This is a threat to social order and, indeed, to the economies in the European Union. The sense of threat is felt keenly across the European Union. For many of our fellow member states, this threat is ever present. I saw this when I visited Latvia and Lithuania to meet with my EU affairs and defence counterparts. To meet their defence spending targets, some of our EU colleagues are, of their own volition, making drastic and difficult decisions to cut salaries and pensions. I want to be clear that, from my observations and discussions, they are not being driven by ideology. They are not being driven by the European Union. They are being driven by the reality that they, as individual countries, see and face themselves. Russian activity represents an attempt to divide EU member states and, in particular, to weaken our resolve on Ukraine. We fully support all the tools available to deal with these issues. On migration, at the European Council the leaders agreed conclusions on migration. The conclusions took stock of progress in managing unplanned migration and called for intensified work to continue. Europe must address the shared challenge of unplanned migration. This can be done through collective effort by having a system of responsibility and solidarity regarding the reception and management of protection applicants. Ireland supports ongoing efforts to adopt the Pact on Migration and Asylum and we have opted in to the some of the non-Schengen measures as well as the EU asylum agency. Some of the results of that can be seen in some of the announcements that the Minister, Deputy O'Callaghan, is making. Together with Spain, France and Portugal, Ireland asked the Commission to develop an EU macro-regional strategy for the Atlantic by June of next year with the aim of addressing common challenges in the Atlantic region such as connectivity and economic growth. There is huge potential here. It is something that I have worked on with my colleagues, particularly those in the Spanish Government. We live at a time of significant challenge but we should not forget our strength - our European Union. There will always be setbacks and there will always be things that we do not succeed on, but the EU remains the single greatest peace project in history and a source of economic prosperity to Irish people and European citizens. Ireland has a seat at the Council table and in the Parliament. In looking ahead to our EU Presidency this year, we will continue to use that seat in the interests of Ireland and Irish people. It has been shown over many decades that Ireland working constructively in the European Union, protecting our vital national interests, is the way to economic success and progress in Ireland. I have no doubt that the agendas of future meetings of the European Council will be substantial and of huge importance this year. I look forward to continuing engagement with Deputies in the months ahead.