2026-04-22

I attended a meeting of the European Council on 19 March in Brussels. Once again, leaders dealt with a very full and important agenda against the backdrop of a very challenging and volatile international environment. The substantial items discussed included Ukraine, the situation in the Middle East and European competitiveness. There was also a Euro Summit, which assessed the state of the European Union's economy. Other items on the agenda were European security and defence, migration, the Democracy Shield, multilateralism and child protection online. I will set out the main results of the European Council with regard to support for Ukraine, the conflict in the Middle East, multilateralism and European competitiveness. The Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, will speak later to the other issues. I will begin with competitiveness, a crucial issue for Ireland and Europe and one that is now firmly at the top of the European Council agenda. Supercharging Europe's competitiveness will also be a main priority for Ireland's Presidency of the European Union. The March European Council took further decisive action on strengthening Europe's competitiveness and unlocking the full potential of its Single Market. Leaders established the highest level of ambition for a new One Europe, One market agenda to be implemented during the course of 2026 where possible, and by the end of 2027 at the latest. As I said, this comprehensive agenda of concrete measures with ambitious deadlines will also provide the key strategic focus for Ireland's upcoming Presidency of the European Union Council in the second half of the year. We will advance priority actions across five specific areas: deepening and integrating the Single Market; further simplifying rules and reducing regulatory and administrative burdens; accelerating decarbonisation while ensuring affordable energy; fostering industrial innovation and renewal in strategically important technology sectors; and mobilising necessary public and private investments. On the Single Market, priority measures will include a new 28th regime for company law, called EU Inc. This will make it easier to set up businesses across the EU, providing instant access to the Single Market. It will be digital-by-default to help innovative start-ups scale and grow. Work will also be undertaken to improve mutual recognition of professional qualifications and skills as well as addressing fragmented product labelling and packaging requirements. Leaders called for agreement this year on all omnibus simplification packages tabled by the Commission, including an ambitious AI omnibus to be presented by the end of July. This work will reduce administrative burdens for businesses. Leaders also called on the Commission to undertake an in-depth regulatory review of the current EU body of law, to eliminate outdated provisions, overlaps, and inconsistencies, while ensuring that all new initiatives are in line with simple-by-design principles and better regulation principles. Access to affordable energy is vital for our competitiveness. A key lesson of the past few weeks and the impact of the conflict in the Gulf is that Europe must become more self-reliant when it comes to energy and we must break our strategic dependence on imported fossil fuels. Europe must deliver the clean and abundant energy needed to power the economy of the future. Priority actions include agreement this year on the European grids package, including faster permitting procedures, to enable the injection of more renewable energy into the system. At the same time, targeted solutions are needed to protect our citizens and businesses from the recent and very significant spike in fuel prices. Leaders invited the Commission to present a set of temporary and targeted measures, taking into account the differing situations of member states, and the need to address the particular vulnerability of energy-intensive sectors, including reducing risk of relocation and protecting jobs. Consideration of these measures by leaders will continue at the informal meeting of the European Council, which I will attend in Cyprus from tomorrow. I have also written to President von der Leyen to set out the need for Ireland to retain the flexibility to introduce specific, temporary and targeted emergency measures to support the most affected sectors of our economy during this crisis. On industrial renewal and innovation, it is clear that the current geopolitical environment requires a new focus on strategically important investments in the technologies of tomorrow, reducing strategic vulnerabilities, while maintaining the deepest possible co-operation with like-minded global partners. Priority measures will include a mapping of dependencies in strategic sectors to be completed by the Commission this year, in co-operation with member states, as well as targeted and proportionate European preference in select strategic technologies. Leaders also called for agreement this year on the industrial accelerator Act proposals presented by the Commission last month, along with further proposals to be presented shortly on strengthening Europe’s capabilities in chip and cloud computing technologies. On mobilising investment, leaders reinforced their commitment to a savings and investment union with fully integrated capital markets being a necessary foundation for sustainable economic growth and competitiveness. This will enable more sustainable funding sources to support the development of fast-growing young firms at the technological frontier, including in digital and green technologies. Europe needs to improve its competitiveness to deliver for its citizens. The March European Council has set out a very ambitious agenda. The Commission’s One Europe, One Market roadmap, shared with leaders last week, sets out our action plan. The upcoming Irish Presidency of the Council will be strongly focused on delivering it. As Russia’s aggression enters its fifth year, we cannot allow this war to be normalised. Ireland and the European Union must continue to demonstrate our full solidarity with Ukraine. The European Council in March held an exchange of views with President Zelenskyy and leaders will continue these discussions with the President at our informal meeting in Cyprus tomorrow. Unfortunately, leaders were unable to reach agreement with all 27 member states on Council conclusions. Instead, a separately agreed text on Ukraine was agreed with 25 European Union Heads of State and Government, with Hungary and Slovakia not joining. We agree that Ukraine must have the budgetary and military means to continue to exercise its inherent right of self-defence to counter and deter Russia’s aggression, which continues. The crisis in the Gulf is very serious but we must retain the ability to support Ukraine and to keep pressure on Putin. Ireland strongly supports the agreement for a €90 billion loan to Ukraine. Getting these funds to Ukraine on time is critical for both Ukrainian and European security and we regret any moves which delay its disbursement. With a change of government in Hungary, I am confident that this critical funding can soon begin flowing to Ukraine. I had a call with Prime Minister-elect Magyar last week and I look forward to working with him and his new government on this and other pressing issues on the EU’s agenda. We also need to secure agreement on the 20th package of sanctions. This is about increasing the pressure on Putin to agree a ceasefire and engage meaningfully in negotiations. Ireland strongly supports further measures to raise the costs to Russia, including by targeting the shadow fleet and its enablers. These vessels are transporting Russian oil while practising irregular and high-risk shipping practices. They threaten maritime safety and security and pose an acute environmental risk. I regret that the US-led trilateral peace negotiations have effectively stalled. I hope that fresh momentum can be injected into this process, as we need to see an end to this war. Of course, President Putin could choose to end his illegal war tomorrow. Any peace agreement must be just and lasting, protecting Ukraine and Europe’s vital security interests. That is why the €90 billion is so important. It sends a real signal that Europe is behind Ukraine budgetarily and is behind Ukraine for the long haul. I am glad that Hungary has already lifted its block on the loan and its block on the new round of sanctions. This has happened while I am speaking and it is very welcome news. It is positive for that package to go to Ukraine. It will be a great relief to the people of Ukraine. Ireland remains a strong supporter of EU enlargement and we will work to advance Ukraine’s accession during our European Union Presidency. We commend Ukraine’s continued reform effort,s despite the very challenging circumstances and again, with a new leadership in Budapest, we are potentially looking at a formal opening of accession negotiations with Ukraine. We are also looking at Montenegro's accession process, which has made very good progress. Ireland would like to be in a position to have all chapters of that more or less completed by the end of our Presidency. It will be challenging but that is our objective. Ireland remains deeply concerned about the war in the Middle East and the Gulf, which has escalated significantly since the European Council met in Brussels last month. The extension of the ceasefire as announced by President Trump Is welcomed. However, the situation remains very volatile. The Strait of Hormuz remains blocked by Iran, the US blockade of Iranian ports continues and a return to negotiations remains unclear. My understanding is that three ships were attacked this morning in the strait, which is very worrying news. Dialogue and diplomacy offer the best path to a lasting solution. Only through negotiations can a permanent end to the conflict be achieved and wider regional security assured. Escalation is in the interests of no one. We have seen the very damaging impact of the closure of the Strait of Hormuz on our economies, business and households. The Strait must be reopened, and free navigation must be guaranteed in full respect of the law of the sea. Ireland's position throughout the conflict is that all parties must uphold international law. The ceasefire in Lebanon is very welcome but clearly very fragile. Ireland remains deeply concerned about the appalling nature of what happened in Lebanon and about the security situation in southern Lebanon, in particular regarding the impact on the civilian population, which has been completely disproportionate and unacceptable. Initial discussions between Israel and Lebanon - the first since 1993 - are welcome. I hope these US-facilitated talks lead to a permanent ceasefire. We must do all we can to support a positive outcome that can lead to a comprehensive and sustainable peace. Such a settlement must include the disarmament of Hezbollah and security guarantees for both Israel and Lebanon as well as respect for Lebanon’s territorial integrity. European Union leaders and I have also been very clear that UNIFIL troops must be protected and their mandate respected. The killing and targeting of UNIFIL troops is completely unacceptable. I again commend our Irish troops for the huge contribution they continue to make in Lebanon in the service of peace. At the European Council meeting, European Union leaders reiterated that, despite dramatic developments in the region, Gaza and the West Bank must not be overlooked. The European Council called for the full implementation by all parties of the ceasefire and all other provisions of UN Security Council Resolution 2803, in line with other relevant UN Security Council resolutions. The Council also reaffirmed its commitment to international law and a comprehensive, just and lasting peace based on the two-state solution in accordance with relevant UN Security Council resolutions where two democratic states, Israel and Palestine, live side by side in peace. European Union leaders also discussed the humanitarian situation and the need for the rapid, safe and unimpeded delivery and sustained distribution of humanitarian aid at scale into and throughout Gaza in accordance with international humanitarian law. The Council called on Israel to reverse its decision regarding the new registration arrangements for international NGOs, which will severely restrict their ability to operate in the occupied Palestinian territory and significantly worsen the humanitarian situation. All border crossings should remain open. We remain very concerned and disturbed by Israeli actions that seek to undermine the stability of the Palestinian Authority and prospects for a durable path towards the two-state solution. Israel must immediately release revenues withheld from the Palestinian Authority and extend the correspondent banking services waiver between Israeli and Palestinian banks. The European Council also condemned the massive increase in settler violence against Palestinian civilians and underlined the importance of de-escalation in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem. Ireland is extremely concerned by the expansion of illegal settlements in the West Bank. Leaders called on the Government of Israel to reverse the expansion of settlements, which are illegal under international law. Since the European Council last met in March, Ireland has condemned the law passed by the Israeli Parliament to expand the scope of the death penalty and revive its implementation in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territory. Ireland is particularly concerned about the discriminatory nature of the law as it relates to Palestinians. The European Union has noted its long-standing principled position against the death penalty and urged Israel to abide by its obligations under international law. At the European Council meeting, I advocated for the re-examination of the EU-Israel association agreement in light of egregious Israeli breaches of human rights and democratic principles. We have continued to call for this in light of continued unacceptable Israeli actions. Leaders had an exchange of views with the UN Secretary General, António Guterres. In this discussion, we reiterated our commitment to multilateralism and the protection of the international rules-based order and the need to support the UN system. We discussed multilateralism in the framework of challenges to international law, notably in relation to Ukraine and the Middle East. We joined the Secretary General in calling for an end to conflict in the Middle East and a return to diplomacy. Ireland is committed to maintaining the strong working relationship between the EU and the UN over the course of our EU Presidency and focusing on underpinning the multilateral order. This was a significant and action-orientated meeting of the European Council. I look forward to continuing my discussions with fellow EU leaders in Cyprus over the next two days. I also look forward to continuing our discussions in this House on this very important agenda of work for Ireland, especially as we take up the responsibility of the EU Presidency from 1 July.

It is reasonable to ask what it would possibly take for the European Union to suspend the EU-Israel trade agreement. What possible threshold must be met and what new horrors and breaches of international law are required before it moves away from its position of intransigence and failure? At times, we have debates in relation to the EU and some on the benches opposite try to make the Sinn Féin position on Europe sound complicated. I think it is pretty straightforward. We do not propose to leave the European Union. We want to be in it but we are extremely critical of it. This is one of the areas we are critical of. The EU's handling of the conflict in Palestine has been appallingly shameful. This is a further example. It reflects the Union's abject failure. The failure to stand up for international law is an act of cowardice from the EU. Israel has violated human rights in Palestine and Lebanon, and the EU has still not taken action. Despite multiple legal opinions and the clear evidence we have seen on our screens, the EU has shown absolute cowardice when it comes to standing up to Israel. It is abundantly clear that Israel has violated the human rights conditions of the agreement. The agreement is predicated on respect for human rights by virtue of Article 2. It is very obvious that Israel is in breach of that article. It is important to remember that suspending the association agreement is not a sanction. It is a decision to correctly apply the provisions of the agreement, particularly Article 2, which clearly predicate the entirely beneficial trading arrangements that Israel enjoys on respect for human rights. The reputation and credibility of the EU is in tatters due to this. It is incredible that it has failed to take any meaningful action against Israel. We are moving into a very dangerous world for everyone if we continue to allow international law to be undermined without consequences. If we stop enforcing international law on one country, we risk giving a free hand to all rogue states to act as they see fit. The Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, highlighted to the Taoiseach the issue of the recent sanctions package. At this stage, attention will now turn to the next sanctions package. The new sanctions package identifies aluminium as a subject of sanctions. That obviously has implications for Ireland. It is right and important that aluminium be sanctioned. Will the Minister of State comment on that issue? This sanctions package did not include atomic energy, the Russian atomic agency, Rosatom, and the officials connected to it and it is important that the next sanctions package does. The Ukrainian President, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, has clearly called for Rosatom and all who are associated with it to be included in a sanctions package. I have asked the Minister of State about this before and he has said he is in favour of it. It is important that Ireland makes its voice heard in pressing for that to be included in the next sanctions package. That would be an effective action. In the last session of post-European Council statements, I expressed disappointment and frustration that the conflict in Sudan was not referenced. That is remarkable. If you talk to international experts, humanitarian organisations, human rights organisations and the Sudanese community here in Ireland, they will make the point very clearly that this conflict will continue. We have seen the slaughter continue in recent weeks and months. Some 50 people were killed at a wedding and there was a further massacre of civilians in El Fasher. Day after day, people are being killed but, because it is happening on the African continent, it barely raises any comment. I do not direct that remark at the Minister of State but, across the political establishment throughout Europe, it draws very little attention. It is the view of people from the Sudanese community and those experts I have mentioned that, until such time as this issue reaches a point close to the top of the agenda in Europe and the United States, the war will continue. The conflict has now been ongoing for nearly five years. It is crucially important that Europe starts to raise its voice. Ireland needs to lead the charge in that regard. The flow of weapons has obviously been affected by the war in the Middle East but it continues nonetheless and has resulted in the slaughter of tens of thousands of Sudanese civilians over recent years. It is not acceptable. I urge the Minister to ensure this is a priority in future meetings of the European Council.

This was another European Council meeting that refused to hold Israel and the US to account for their destabilising actions in the Middle East or to acknowledge those actions. Where was the condemnation of the actions that started this war? Our trade partners are an exception to outrage when it comes to killing children, journalists, ambulance drivers, medical responders and innocent civilians. No one is here to defend Iran's human rights record but, if you were to read the conclusions of the European Council meeting, you would swear that Iran had fired the first shot. The line is that "Developments in Iran and the wider region threaten regional and global security." It is anyone’s best guess what developments are being talked about. The European Council assures us that it is "closely monitoring the far-reaching impact of the hostilities". The EU has shown itself to be a paper tiger. We are completely unwilling to use our collective diplomatic and economic power to prevent the US and Israel from riding roughshod over the region and killing who knows how many thousands of people in the process. It rained oil in Tehran but that is okay because Trump and Netanyahu murdered the ayatollah and some of his family. The European Council seems more concerned about "migratory flows towards the European Union" than ending conflicts and saving innocent lives. It has the gall to say that it will put an end to Iran's destabilising activities without a single word about Israel, bar a weak attempt at asking for it to stop invading quite so much of Lebanon. What more needs to be done for the EU-Israel association agreement to be scrapped? Is it another genocide like Gaza? The EU cannot credibly claim to uphold human rights while sustaining preferential trade with a state whose conduct has been found by multiple international bodies as amounting to genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Those are the words of the UN special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Palestine. It would not even be a trade sanction. It would be simply exercising Article 2 of the agreement that states Israel enjoys special trade privileges so long as it respects human rights. Israel has ethnically cleansed Gaza, expanded its presence in the West Bank and tried to take over 20% of Lebanon. Human rights must be non-negotiable. Israel has crossed every red line and engaged in countless breaches of human rights and international law. We either stand for human rights or we do not. We either stand for international law or we do not. If the EU is to have any credibility on international affairs, weak words like the Council's conclusions are not going to cut it any more.

When the European Commission proposed to slash Common Agricultural Policy, CAP, funding by as much as 25%, the response from the Irish Government should have been to rule out any cut at all. Instead, the Government decided to run for political cover claiming that it was just a starting point. It should have told Europe flat out that any proposals to cut CAP funding were a non-starter for Ireland. Last week, we got an insight into perhaps why that was the case, when a former Fine Gael Taoiseach cynically degraded rural Ireland as a whole. He said he was seeking an honest conversation. Well, how about this? It was a Fine Gael Government that led the negotiations on the current CAP and a Fine Gael-Fianna Fáil Government that signed off on it. They did so during a period when Ireland had become a net contributor to the EU budget. In doing so, they gave their blessing to a European budget that saw the amount assigned to fund CAP reduced from 37% to 30%, a cut in real time for our farming families. We now know that Ursula von der Leyen wants to do the same thing again. We also know that an element of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil think rural people have it too good. The agriculture Council is due to meet next Monday to discuss the next CAP. Will the Minister of State, Deputy Byrne, in his closing remarks, address whether Ireland will categorically rule out accepting the EU budget that contains further cuts to CAP? Will he also commit to advocating for new, enhanced and reinvigorating funding?

I welcome the opportunity to engage on behalf of the Labour Party following the European Council meeting of 19 March. The meeting had an extensive agenda: Ukraine and the Middle East; competitiveness; defence; multilateralism; and democratic resilience. These are all complex challenges which have clearly become more challenging since that date, as the Taoiseach acknowledged. We have, unfortunately, seen further developments in the Middle East, with Trump and Netanyahu's illegal war only deepening there. In Brussels, on the morning of 19 March, I participated in the Party of European Socialists, PES, pre-Council leaders' meeting along with other PES leaders, including Spain's Pedro Sánchez and Commissioner Teresa Ribera. Last weekend, we had another engagement hosted by Prime Minister Sánchez in Barcelona in the shape of the Global Progressive Mobilisation summit, at which we heard addresses by global leaders of the left, including President Lula of Brazil, Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa, Mia Mottley from Barbados and Elly Schlein from Italy. It was an inspiring gathering where we discussed challenges and opportunities facing the left across Europe and the world. What struck me was not just the scale of the crises we all face but also the clarity of the responses offered by those on the left and in the socialist movement internationally. As the Irish party within the Party of European Socialists and the S and D group, the Labour Party is proudly European and we assert the principles of a social Europe with an emphasis on climate action and an active state that can engage on housing, workers' rights and equality. The Spanish left Government has shown leadership on climate, renewables and so much more. I raise three points that the Minister of State might also bring back to the Taoiseach. I very much welcome the Taoiseach's comments and ambition that the Irish Presidency this year will see an acceleration on the steps towards EU accession for Ukraine. The Labour Party is proud to stand in solidarity with the people of Ukraine against the brutal regime of Putin and his colonial and imperialistic aggression against them. We are concerned that there are still Russian interests in Ireland, and we need to be clearer about sanctions for those. We very much welcome the change of government in Hungary and the fact that the €90 billion loan for Ukraine will now, it seems, be facilitated. That is hugely important and I welcome it. We will work the Government to ensure that during this Presidency, EU accession for Ukraine can be accelerated. A great deal more could be done on the US-Israel war, however. It is deeply disappointing that the EU is not taking further steps to ensure the suspension of the Israel trade agreement. We see that Israel is now leading in the bombing of southern Lebanon and is seeking to do to southern Lebanon what it has already done in Gaza. We all very much hope that the ceasefire will hold, but there are clearly huge accountability issues and sanctions that need to be undertaken against Israel. With the defeat of Orbán in Hungary, Netanyahu has lost what has been described as his "EU firewall" against sanctions. It is hoped that Ireland, along with Spain and other allies, will now be able to press harder on more sanctions against Israel and, in particular, the suspension and ending of the trade agreement, as well as the passing of the occupied territories Bill here at home. The implications of the illegal war being waged by Trump and Netanyahu against Iran and Lebanon and the energy shock that has generated have clearly shown just how exposed the EU is and how exposed Ireland, in particular, is given our over-reliance on imported fossil fuels. The S and D group in the European Parliament has called for two key measures to be adopted by the European Commission to deal with the enormous disadvantage being faced by citizens across Europe and in Ireland. First, it is calling for a temporary energy emergency regulatory tool to fast-track the development and roll-out of renewables. We have seen it done in Spain where energy costs are now four times cheaper than in Ireland. The group is also seeking strong measures to protect vulnerable households, including an EU-wide social leasing scheme to give people access to clean energy solutions without upfront costs. We see that the package coming from the European Commission also gives a facility to states to have a windfall levy on the taxes of fossil fuel companies. Let us do that in Ireland. Tax these windfall profits further but let us also accelerate away from our dependence on fossil fuels. Today is Earth Day. There is no better day to look for an urgent ramping up of our capacity to generate electricity through renewables. This Government has been very slow and indeed has been regressive compared to the previous Government. We need to see more and we will be pushing the Government on this. We have seen the benefits in Spain and elsewhere regarding energy costs, energy security and climate emissions.

I am glad to have the opportunity to contribute on post European Council statements. The discussions at the meeting were very much dominated by the war that is still going on in the Middle East. It is an impossible thing because it is changing by the day. A meeting of the European Council could be convened, and all terms could have changed by the evening time. Nearly all of this is outside the control of the Government and the European Union bloc, but how we respond to it is within our control. I, like other Members, went out two weeks ago and met with protestors regarding the fuel prices. I met some of the best of people there and their concerns were very legitimate, and a package was eventually agreed by the Government. While we all knew it, although it does not always directly stare us in the face, and it was a concern during that week, was that some of the parameters of our taxation regime when it comes to fuels and VAT rates are controlled by the European Union. The European Union bloc needs to reflect on that and have more flexibility at this time. I note that Poland and Spain were reprimanded in words, but we do not know to what extent they will be reprimanded thereafter. I do not know what the outcome of that discussion was, but we need more certainty because this war has become so uncertain. It is a very fluid situation. The Government's responses will have to be fluid, as will those of other European states. If everything we hear in the media today is true, this is going to continue beyond the month of April and possibly through the summer. If that is the case, it will require more interventions by the Government and State. It will also require more interventions by other European governments. We need to know how rigid the European Commission and eurozone's parameters are and what more can be done by the European bloc. The Ukrainian conflict is repeatedly spotlighted in Europe. We speak about it through one lens, but I have heard from countries on the eastern flank of the European bloc that they fear the conflict in real terms. They have had huge budgetary shifts whereby they have moved spending programmes from certain fields to a military spend. It is alarming how militarised the eastern flank of the European Union has had to become. Last month, President Zelenskyy and his cabinet published figures which Russia has said it disputes. The figures from the Ukrainian Government state that 19,546 Ukrainian children were effectively kidnapped or rehomed during the early months of the war and have not been brought back. Some have been domiciled in Russia for four years. I do not know under what circumstances that has happened. I have tried multiple times to find out what is going on there. We refer to front lines, Zaporizhzhia, power plants being banned and drones going into the sky, but 20,000 children, which is a huge number, are missing. We do not know where they are, how they are being cared for or how many have been repatriated with their parents. There have been prisoner exchanges throughout the war. Russian and Ukrainian prisoners have been handed back. When I examined this issue a couple of months ago, the figure was around 19,000. What the hell is going on? It is perverse in any conflict that children who have been taken alive from a front-line war situation are held against their will and that of their families. The correct word to use is "kidnapped". They have been kidnapped by the Russian state. Vladimir Putin has blood on his hands. It is perverse and wrong that almost 20,000 Ukrainian children are in Russia. I have not heard this discussed sufficiently by any European leader in many months. I ask that the issue be spotlighted from an Irish position when the Minister of State is next in Brussels. I refer to the recent attacks in Lebanon, which were discussed. The welfare of military personnel, be they Irish or other nationalities, should be of utmost concern to us and attacks on them should be condemned. Things are going to gear up quite a lot over the coming weeks as we prepare for the EU Presidency, which will be a very proud moment for our country. I look forward to different events taking place around the country and I thank the Minister of State for the effort he has put in so far with his opposite numbers across the European bloc and here in Government channels to devise a positive programme from an Irish perspective. I conclude by reiterating my point on the parameters of taxation and what we can do with mother ship Europe. We need interventions on the home front as this crisis continues. All of that needs to be very much spotlighted. As I said, close to 20,000 Ukrainian children are missing. There have to be answers. When something goes out of the media spotlight it filters away and no longer becomes a source of discourse. This should matter to us.

As the Minister of State knows, we are living in very uncertain and volatile times across the world, in particular with conflicts in so many places around the globe. We are all very aware of the impact this is having, in particular on fuel prices and other commodities in Ireland. It is all having a knock-on effect on food prices and the food chains in the European Union. I am sure these are issues that are to the forefront of everyone's mind. I want to concentrate on the beef industry. The volume of Irish beef exports fell by 5% in 2025, and across the European Union, beef exports fell by 2.2%. The volume of Irish beef exported to the UK fell by 5%. EU beef production is expected to decline by a further 1% this year. There has been an increase in beef imports from countries outside of the European Union, the majority of which comes from Mercosur countries, even before the Mercosur trade agreement comes into place. An EU-Australia trade deal is coming up, which will see 30,000 tonnes of beef coming into the European Union. The EU must reverse the decline in beef production and not leave us in a position whereby we are dependent on importing food from the other side of the world. Irish and EU food is produced to the highest standards from an environmental and animal welfare point of view. Given the volatility in the world, it does not make sense to leave EU food security in such a vulnerable position. Sacrificing it for guns is not an option. Many people in Europe fear that is what is happening. A farmer recently asked me who would feed Ursula von de Leyen's army. That is the kind of impact this is having on people.

Deputy Kenny should tell him that she does not have an army.

I understand that, but that is the view people have developed from all of the talk about more and more militarisation. The cut in the CAP budget needs to be reversed. People need to be reminded that CAP payments or subsidies, as Leo Varadkar would now call them, are not free money for farmers. CAP was established to ensure food security, increase productivity and guarantee fair living standards for farmers across the EU. It was designed to stabilise markets, harmonise competitiveness and have rules across every member state to create a secure and sustainable affordable supply chain of food for everyone. Leo Varadkar's comments were shameful and they are another example of the anti-farmer and anti-rural rhetoric we hear from parts of the Government, in particular Fine Gael. It is no wonder Fine Gael refused to stand with farmers or listen to protesters when it has such an attitude towards rural Ireland. For the EU to have food security, Ireland needs to have food security. As an island nation, we should ensure that we have a proper and thriving fishing industry. Yet, the Irish fishing sector has been decimated by Dutch, Danish and Norwegian fishing fleets which plunder Irish waters. The Government has stood by and allowed this to happen. It did not even bother to vote against the deal in February. The Irish fishing fleet has been let down by this Government and successive governments over the years. This needs to change. We need to stop the industrial scale fishing with super-factory ships and reckless overfishing again and again while the Irish fishing fleet, which has played by the rules, is thrown against the rocks and totally betrayed. Ireland is very proud of our neutrality. We have a history of peacekeeping and standing up for human rights and international law. We are proud to be members of the EU Security Council and respected for our stance on these issues by other countries across the globe. That is why it is important that we maintain the triple lock and our neutrality because that is exactly what people want to happen.

I welcome and commend the fact that Ireland was one of the voices in recent days to put forward the suspension of the EU-Israel Association agreement. It is insane that that has not happened to date. Europe is operating with hypocrisy in sanctioning Russia but not Israel. I remind the House that the suspension of the EU-Israel association agreement does not involve sanctions. Rather, it is the revocation of a privilege. Israel enjoys a preferential status in trading with Europe and to suspend the agreement is not to apply sanctions, which is what we need to do. Our first step towards the application of sanctions is dropping the preferential treatment we currently provide to Israel. What will the Government continue to do in this regard? As I said, I welcome that we were one of the countries pushing for this. How will we keep it on the agenda and make sure that the EU-Israel association agreement, in line with its human rights commitments, is fully suspended? I want to talk about the digital omnibus, which I have raised on previous occasions. In the Taoiseach's contribution at the outset of this debate, we heard a lot about the competitive elements of AI and the enterprise and innovation space, all of which is welcome. I acknowledge that there is a place in a simplification agenda for small businesses, in particular, to address the duplications in different directives that require them to meet compliance standards in multiple ways. I get that. However, what nobody in the Government ranks seems to want to admit is that the simplification agenda has been hijacked by big tech to push for deregulation. The Taoiseach used those words in his contribution. He said the work will reduce administrative burdens for business. It is deregulation under the guise of simplification and harmonisation. One thing that was lacking in the Taoiseach's speech was any reference to rights and protections. Normally, he at least pays lip service to the issue but there is nothing in his contribution about the fact that while we allow businesses to flourish and create systems and ecosystems for businesses to use technology to advance business and enterprise in Europe, we must also protect the rights and protections enjoyed by citizens and consumers in the European Union. That is, essentially, what the European Union is most proud of. I would like to understand this, in particular in light of the security risks and privacy concerns around the European digital identity wallet. What assurances can the Minister of State provide that any digital omnibus package will address those vulnerabilities, rather than accelerate their adoption without the adequate protections that citizens require? I want to speak to something else the Taoiseach failed to mention. I will read out the direct quote from the conclusion of the Council meeting: On the basis of the lessons learned from the 2015 migration crisis and to avoid a similar situation, the EU is ready to fully mobilise its diplomatic, legal, operational and financial tools to prevent uncontrolled migratory movements to the EU and preserve security in Europe. Based on those conclusions surrounding migration at the EU Council, why has the Government committed to the Chișinãu process? What is the precise reason? How can the Government reconcile that with our previously outspoken record on human rights, particularly in areas like the Middle East and Ukraine? We are putting ourselves forward for membership of the UN Human Rights Council in the second half of next year. We consider ourselves as a State to punch above our weight when it comes to human rights diplomacy. What this is doing and what the Irish Government has committed to do in undermining the European Convention on Human Rights, ECHR, is launch a full-frontal assault on human rights. We all notice that it is not called the “European convention on human – unless you are a migrant – rights”. That is essentially what this is trying to do. It is trying to say that we want the ECHR and that we have created this framework above member states within the European Union to which we are all accountable. Indeed, it is across the Council of Europe and allows us to ensure member states build their economies and societies within a human rights framework. The word “human” is sacrosanct in this regard, however. Everyone gets to enjoy those rights. To carve out a little bit around immigration so that we can essentially drop our standards for inhuman and degrading treatment and torture when it comes to those individuals is a precedent that I am not willing to tolerate and one everyone in this House should be enraged at. If we start coming after migrants, we are going to see various other groups in society targeted quite quickly after that. It is not okay and I seek assurances from the Government, particularly as we approach the EU Presidency, as we are looking to take a seat at the UN Human Rights Council and in a time of increased global conflict, that the Government will commit to the ECHR and remove any suggestion to follow the Chișinãu process.

Mar is eol don Aire Stáit, tá an domhan athraithe go hiomlán, go háirithe anseo san Eoraip. Nuair a smaoiníonn muid faoi chúrsaí fuinnimh, is léir go bhfuil athraithe móra ann. Tá siad le feiceáil i gcomhthéacs na hIaráine agus an tionchar atá ag an gcoimhlint sin ar an Eoraip agus ar Éirinn. When we speak of international conflict, we have to recognise the impact it has from both a European and Irish context. Increased oil and energy prices are connected to it. That needs to be recognised, particularly when we are debating in this House. We need to acknowledge that increased fuel and energy costs are Europe wide and worldwide. They do not affect Ireland alone. The Government has taken severe and serious steps in trying to address the issues in Ireland. As the Minister of State will be aware, the election of Péter Magyar in Hungary and the end of the autocratic rule of Viktor Orbán was discussed at the recent European Council meeting. The huge mandate Mr. Magyar received signifies an end to autocracy and that Hungary is open to democracy. There have been some developments in Hungary since the new Prime Minister came into place, however. I refer to his comments that the Druzhba pipeline with Russia should open and the feelings of the Ukrainian people and President Zelenskyy in that regard. We need to look at some of these comments quite carefully. We cannot forget - this was also stated at the European Council meeting - that we must continue to stand with the Ukrainian people and not let any member state or changes to member states have any influence on how we support the Ukrainian people. This is a prime example. If that pipeline is reopened, it will have a negative impact on Ukraine and a positive one on Russia, particularly when we are trying to stall the limits of Russian financial ability. I mentioned energy prices at the beginning of my speech. The EU has agreed to a co-ordinated EU action when it comes to energy, but there is a need to accelerate the energy transition. My perspective, and I think that of most people in this House, is that we must do it in a sustainable and renewable way, including onshore and offshore wind and solar energy. We must prioritise renewable energy as much as possible. There have been comments over the past few weeks about an opening-up of the discussion around nuclear energy. We need to have that serious conversation. I am not talking about large nuclear plants but, rather, small modular reactors, SMRs. We look at Denmark in this country as a good example of how to do energy. It has done offshore energy better than anywhere else in Europe. Some might argue it has done it better than anywhere else in the world. Denmark banned nuclear energy in 1985, including research, but it has now changed that because it realises it needs to have an energy mix. What I have been calling for and continue to call for is that we review our nuclear ban. I am not calling for a nuclear power plant, but we must allow research into the pros and cons. We might come to the conclusion that it is not for us, but at least let us do it in an informed manner.

It is great to have an opportunity to speak about the European Council meeting. The message could not be clearer from Europe and Ireland that we are operating in a far more volatile and uncertain world. Conflicts in the Middle East and Ukraine are driving our instability, and that instability is driving directly into energy prices and supply chains. People are facing the consequences of that in the form of cost-of-living increases. Energy is right at the centre of that. The Council has acknowledged as much. When fossil fuel prices spike, Europe suffers. We remain far too exposed to forces we cannot control. We have a huge challenge and crisis at the minute, but we have to take this as an opportunity to move from volatility to stability. Ireland cannot continue to rely on fossil fuels and hope for that stability. That is not a strategy; it is a risk. Other speakers have spoken about how this is a risk we can do something about. We are not short of resources. Rather, we and the European Union are short of urgency. I hope this latest crisis will ensure the EU moves faster. I see these opportunities in County Louth every single day. We have wind and water resources as well as the geographic position. We have a skills base. The Minister of State knows the county very well. Crucially, we have the infrastructural potential, particularly in places like Greenore Port. Greenore Port, as the Minister of State knows, has the potential to become the key operations and maintenance port for offshore wind in the Irish Sea. That is not pie in the sky; it is a practicable and deliverable project. It has planning permission. It would support offshore wind deployment, create jobs and anchor long-term economic activity in the region. Potential does not deliver jobs, however; decisions supported by Government and made in this House do. I have huge ambition for this country. We can be a global leader in renewable energy, not just a participant in it. We can harness our natural resources to not only create energy but export it. We have that expertise. In reality, we have been talking about this for far too long. The European Council has set out the direction to accelerate renewables, invest in infrastructure and build the systems that will allow us to reduce dependence on the volatile fossil fuel markets, but Europe needs countries like us to deliver on it. We are not just part of the solution; we can be absolutely central to it. If we do not step up, not only will we fail ourselves but we will also weaken Europe’s overall energy security and competitiveness. If we talk about creating the resilience to move to stability, we know that oil and gas markets are hugely volatile and that geopolitical shocks can trigger sudden price hikes. We also know there will be another oil crisis. It is not a question of if but, rather, whether we will be ready for it and whether we are preparing right now because we are too exposed. This is why we need to move faster. Other speakers have spoken in this regard. We need to ensure we are moving on this. With regard to Deputy Ó Cearúil’s contribution around nuclear energy, it is 40 years away in Ireland if we look to it, but hydrogen energy is not. It is a new technology but it can be a huge part of the solution. We need to derisk that transition. We need to clear the funding pathways and the timelines that industry can work to. We have an incredible strategy from the Department of environment on hydrogen and alternative fuels, such as hydrotreated vegetable oil, HVO, for heavy goods vehicles, HGVs, and all of these things, but we have to make sure we are working on it. The Minister of State will be leading out on many of our meetings during the European Presidency. Ireland needs to lead on this. Europe needs to lead on this. Energy and renewable energy need to be a key target and aim of the European Presidency.

The decision not to suspend the EU-Israel association agreement is an act of profound moral cowardice. Israel has violated every aspect of the human rights conditions attached to the agreement. It is committing genocide in Gaza. It is murdering citizens in the West Bank. It has started an illegal war against Iran. Now, it is also bombing Lebanon. This is not a normal government. This is a rogue state that has crossed every red line and engaged in egregious breaches of human rights and international law. Since this genocide in Gaza began, however, EU leaders have failed in their commitments to EU rights, failed to uphold international law and failed to stand up to Israel. Again, this week, the EU had the opportunity to finally send a clear message to Israel by suspending the EU-Israel association agreement and it shamefully chose not to. In this Chamber, we cannot sit around and wait for the EU to act. This Government must take trade with Israel into its own hands and pass the occupied territories Bill in full for goods and services. Ireland can and should act where Europe will not. This takes me to another point in relation to the Technion contract or the links that University of Galway has with that Israeli institution. It is deeply concerning that yesterday "7 LÁ" exposed that the Nelson Mandela Foundation is now reviewing the use of Nelson Mandela's name by that university because of its links with Technion. This is something that a lot of campaigners in Galway have long campaigned on. They have asked the university to end any links with that Israeli institution. It is high time that it did just that. It is a shame that the Nelson Mandela Foundation has been forced to review its relationship with the university. I assume it feels that under the moral circumstances it is compelled to do so given the use of Nelson Mandela's name by that university. My final point relates to the continued use by the US military of Shannon Airport. Too often I have heard Government TDs and Ministers talk about the illegal war in Iran in totally and utterly abstract circumstances. Do we have full control in relation to this? No, absolutely not. Nobody is saying that we do. However, it is outrageous that we continue to allow the use of Shannon Airport by the US military as it continues with its illegal war in Iran and atrocities around the world.

The EU has decided to do absolutely nothing about the genocide being heaped on the Palestinian people. Yesterday, an attempt was made by Spain, Slovenia and Ireland to raise the issue of not just trade but the special trading status that the EU has. The EU is the largest trading partner with Israel, bar none. It is some indictment on the EU that it is now lining up four-square behind an imperialist power that is heaping such misery on the population, such as the death penalty being introduced, gendered violence and sexual violence being committed and people being killed since the ceasefire. Whatever about the EU, because we could talk about that all day, at least Slovenia has introduced laws that have banned trade between Israel and Slovenia in certain conditions. It is very similar to what was proposed in the occupied territories Bill, and Spain has done likewise. Ireland has done absolutely nothing. It is very easy for the Minister of State to go and virtue signal in the Europe, but he has the power to do something here in Ireland. The first issue is Shannon Airport. There has been a massive increase in overhead flights, which are obviously military related, and the Government has no interest in doing anything about it. Shannon is a major hub for the US military. The second issue is the occupied territories Bill. The Government is sending it back for more legal advice. That is an absolute ruse because 350 lawyers have already examined this and said there is nothing illegal about it. The Government gave a commitment before the elections two years ago that it would move on this. People were under that impression. Where is the occupied territories Bill? Senator Frances Black feels that the Government is delaying now on this. Ireland claims to be standing four-square with the Palestinian people, yet it is going to allow, and in fact it has encouraged, the Israeli soccer team to come and play here in October. The Government is out of step with the Irish people on that issue. It has judged that very badly. There will be a campaign to stop that match. The "stop the game" campaign has already started.

The Israeli regime and the United States have rained down death and destruction on thousands of people in a criminal war they instigated in Iran and Lebanon. The Israeli regime has done that following nearly three years of a genocidal slaughter against the Palestinian people. It continues to allow illegal settlers to run amok, terrorising Palestinians on the West Bank. It is now going to introduce a law to execute Palestinians who are resisting an illegal occupation of their land. There are reports in the past week of animals being used to rape Palestinian prisoners under the Israeli authorities. Against that background, the European Union fails to suspend the EU trade association agreement, the special trade status this regime gets. Despite the fact the Government was forced to raise that issue to call for a re-examination of this thing, it continues to allow the US military to go through Shannon Airport. Flights go through our airspace facilitating the US military machine, which is involved with this regime, committing these crimes. It refuses to pass the occupied territories Bill. It refuses to call for a boycott against the football match that Ireland are playing with Israel despite even UN experts saying we should not be playing football with teams involved in illegal occupation and genocide. In the Taoiseach's speech, the only group whose disarmament he called for was Hezbollah. It was not the Israeli regime, which refused to sign the non-proliferation treaty, NPT, and is in the dock for genocide, but Hezbollah. I wish to give a brief history lesson. Before the Sabra and Shatila massacre in 1982, which was investigated by a former Irish foreign affairs Minister, Seán MacBride, Hezbollah did not exist. That massacre was essentially orchestrated by the Israelis and Lebanese Phalange fascist forces. At the time, it was deemed by Seán MacBride and the UN to be a genocidal massacre. It was only in the aftermath of that genocidal massacre by Israel and its allies that Hezbollah came into existence. It was a response to the terrorism of the Israeli state, yet we still refuse to sanction that state. We treat it as normal when it is clearly a terrorist state.

When we talk about these statements post the European Council meeting, it is so important that we have a conversation about the positive role that Europe and being part of Europe can play in all our lives. We are yet to see many of the benefits that were envisaged in a European Union and from a trade perspective. We do not have an opportunity to deal with banks across Europe. We do not have an opportunity to deal with energy companies across Europe. We do not have an opportunity to deal with a whole range of trade opportunities that would ultimately benefit consumers and reduce costs right across Europe. We often talk here about the cost-of-living crisis and the impact it is having on people's ability to carry on with a normal life, but the European Union is the tool that can ultimately help reduce costs throughout the EU. There needs to be a more concentrated effort there. We are a small nation, but we have an opportunity to engage with the European Union and see benefits from that as well. Energy security is absolutely critical. I welcome the announcements from the Commission about the AccelerateEU package. It is welcome that it is going to allow European states to take all the necessary actions to be able to protect ourselves against what is the largest oil shock in the history of the State. We have to be really careful there because we do not know how bad this can get. We do not know how expensive fuels and energy can become, so we really have to take every measure possible to, first, secure our own energy independence and then simultaneously ensure that we are able to negate any negative impact it could have on the economy. That is going to be a very difficult balance to find. Ireland's position in Europe is a very strong one when it comes to agriculture. We have a very strong history of food production and producing food in a sustainable manner. It is very important that when the CAP negotiations begin, Ireland defends food production and the ability of our own people to produce our own food. It is going to be so important that the CAP reflects the contribution European food producers make within the European Union. I also want to talk about an area where I feel the European Union is failing at the moment, namely, competitiveness and the cost of doing business. I am the spokesperson for enterprise and I also sit on the enterprise committee. We have been doing a body of work over the last six months to a year. We have been speaking to many different representatives about the cost of doing business and just how expensive it is. This is something that is replicated across Europe. If we are to be competitive as a Continent and a Union, we need to make sure that we do not trip ourselves up. It really comes down to managing costs and ensuring that there can be success within the European Union, and that we do not become unattractive to people seeking to create jobs in our country. I am conscious of the time.

Gabhaim buíochas leis an Aire as ucht labhairt linn tráthnóna maidir le cad a thit amach ag Comhairle na hEorpa i Mí an Mhárta. Ar an gcéad dul síos, ba mhaith liom fáilte a chur roimh an fógra a tugadh ar maidin go bhfuil an Ungáir tar éis a veto a bhaint ar an gcabhair a bhí le tabhairt don Úcráin de bharr cinneadh na comhairle cúpla mí ó shin. It is a very welcome development and it is a testament to the fact that there has been a change of government in Hungary, which has removed the block to assistance being provided to the people of Ukraine. If I can, I want to touch on three points maidir le torthaí Comhairle na hEorpa. They are the ongoing focus, as Deputy Dolan rightly stated, for a laser-sharp approach to competitiveness. I will also discuss energy and the role the European Union can play in securing the affordability and security of our Union's energy supply. The third point is to make sure we keep online safety at the top of our minds, and the importance of the European authorities taking their responsibility very seriously with regard to the Digital Services Act. First, I want to touch on competitiveness. I welcome the conclusion from the Council about the need to drive on with the One Europe, One Market agenda. I welcome the ambition of trying to get that started this year. It is very important that the signal is sent, not only on the back of the Draghi report but also in terms of the actions the Commission is taking with regard to looking at the simplification of regulations across the Union, making it easier to do business, embedding principles like "once-only" in how individual businesses and companies engage with each other across the Union and, as Deputy Dolan said, really harnessing the power of the Single Market to make it a truly seamless experience and to make it really come to life for its citizens. In addition to that - this is an area where we in Ireland need to step up more as well - we need to create an SME ecosystem that is focused on helping SMEs not only start but scale up. Many times in recent months, President Macron has been quoted as saying that Europe needs to develop its own industrial champions. We need to develop our own commercial leaders. We cannot be overly reliant on other countries around the world for our software platforms, logistical support or whatever the case may be. We do need to create an ecosystem that not only supports SMEs but where they provide a product or service in the market that is good, strong and commercially viable, and that we incentivise and promote a scaling approach. While domestic policy can incentivise that, it is something that must be at the heart of the European Single Market policy as well. Turning to the affordability of energy, in March, the Commission announced that it was going to put in place a toolbox of measures to help member states deal with the energy crisis. This morning, there was some talk about reducing electricity taxes across the Union. In terms of the linkage between the Union and its citizens, it is really important that Irish people see the real impact of that toolbox of measures, and that they are made very visible in people's lives. As a Government, we must show the power of the European Union in co-ordinating not only energy affordability but also energy supply. We really need to start stepping up to the plate in regard to the development of a battery strategy, whether a national one here in Ireland or one that is developed at European Union level. Australia has set the template for how we should develop a battery strategy. That is key to securing not only energy security but also the long-term viability of renewable energy being the primary power source for our country, but also countries around the European Union. I draw the attention of the House to the need for us to continue to ensure that the European authorities exercise their responsibilities in a speedy and efficient way with regard to digital enforcement. There was a lot of discussion a few months ago about the importance of online safety and regulations. It is important for citizens to see that our membership of the European Union gives us access to fantastic things like the Single Market, but also to show that it gives us the regulatory teeth to take on multinational companies that are contravening their responsibilities under the Digital Services Act and threatening the online safety of young people and that they can be dealt with appropriately at that level. I know that is something the Minister of State, Deputy Thomas Byrne, and the Minister of State, Deputy Niamh Smyth, are actively pursuing with our European colleagues in order to achieve that.

It is difficult to overstate just how precarious the geopolitical context has become. We are going from one disaster scenario to the next, and the consequences will no doubt be felt for generations. No words are sufficient to condemn the impunity or disregard for human life that is on display. When we think back to recent human history, we ask how we could have let it happen. There is conflict across the world, in Palestine, Sudan, Lebanon and Ukraine. Even though there is no conflict in Cuba at the moment led by an international warmongering country, the blockade of oil in that country has led to the worst economic and energy crisis in recent decades. Mexico, Spain and Brazil recently called for dialogue to address the gross humanitarian crisis that is happening in Cuba, but there is not a peep out of this Government about the situation there. Why is that? Why do we remain silent so many times? We already saw the three-card trick the Government pulled in the run-up to the election about the occupied territories Bill. Eighteen months later, we are still waiting for it to be enacted. The Government has shown cowardice on an international scale. We are looking at international law being torn up. Human rights are optional. Institutions built to prevent catastrophe are under attack. We have seen what the US has done to its health and humanitarian outreach to foreign countries. It has been withdrawn from them. The US has stopped supporting UNRWA. Our collective humanity is under massive threat. We are witnessing a massive breakdown in global leadership. The EU too is drifting towards militarisation. There are escalating trade tensions that threaten jobs and livelihoods and a raging cost-of-living crisis has resulted from wars and conflict. We have seen a devastating collapse in international development funding across the global south. We must be seen to be a neutral country and be proud of it. We cannot be seen to be neutral on injustice or war crimes. We must be militarily neutral, independently principled and committed to human rights, international law and the institutions that are under attack. If the Government is moving away from neutrality, it should put that to a referendum. Our position has got us respect for years. This reputation cannot be gambled away. Any move away from neutrality will not be supported by the Irish people. The neglect of the Defence Forces is a political choice, and running a bulldozer through it will not fix it. The scale of human suffering across the world is staggering. We all know what has happened in Palestine over recent years. For the Jewish Power party to be wearing golden noose lapel pins on their suits in the Knesset in Israel is a staggeringly depressing visualisation. What they want is separate facilities for people who have been convicted or sentenced to death, no visits apart from authorised personnel, no legal consultations except by video link, and assassinations or hangings to take place within 90 days of sentencing, closing off appeals and clemency. Is this where we have ended up on the international stage? Israel's human rights group has described it as institutional and racist violence against the Palestinians.

Cuirim fáilte roimh an Aire Stáit. I note that in Brussels in March, the key areas were again Ukraine and the €195 billion or so in support. Since then, we have had the Hungarian election, which, as others have noted, will hopefully free things up. I hope that at the informal meeting in Cyprus tomorrow and the day after, we will receive some signs of positive engagement from the Hungarian side, if we have not already done so.

We got them this morning. It is all happening.

I missed that because I was at a committee meeting. It is fantastic to hear. The Middle East is going to come up again, I am sure, just as it did before. You never know from one day to the next what is going to happen. The last thing I heard related to the status of the blockade. I know matters are complex because of the historical and neighbourly relations some member states have with Israel, but we seem to be letting the genocide, the occupation of Gaza and the occupied territories fall through the cracks. I am aware that the Irish Government will say this is not a debate on the occupied territories Bill and that I have raised it before, but we have got to keep moving on this. We can have the argument over whether services should be included during the debate on the legislation, but let us get to the stage where the legislation is coming up. On engagement with our European colleagues, the matter of Israel seems to have gone even further down the agenda. It needs to be kept as topical as possible. Issues like security and defence were also mentioned at the March meeting. It is in the EU's security interest not to have a belligerent Israel and to have a more settled, long-term peace plan, which might not suit the Netanyahu Administration but might suit the Israeli people going forward, as well as the Palestinians, obviously. The other issues I want to focus on, which did not get discussed in Brussels but which I understand are coming up in the next couple of days, are the multi-annual financial framework and the long-term budget. Getting the framework right definitely has potential to provide some security in uncertain times. Another area that is relevant concerns energy security and high fossil fuel prices, which are very topical right now. I have mentioned this in this Chamber during the debate on the fuel crisis but I reiterate that we need to see more movement from Europe on long-term energy security. I have criticised the Government constantly for not investing in long-term offshore wind, tidal and wave energy, storage capacity off the west coast for conversion to hydrogen and battery storage. We could be a massive exporter of energy. I want to try this angle as well: perhaps there needs to be an EU Cohesion Fund that would ramp up our energy production capacity as part of a European energy security network. In this regard, we would get some funding not from private corporations but from member states to have a kind of a quid pro quo 50:50 arrangement whereby we would still have enough capacity to sell to gain revenue from data storage companies. Some of the funding would come from Europe directly to build up scale and the energy would then go automatically through the French interconnector or by whatever means are necessary. This is because we need to ramp up our energy security from a national level but also from a European level. I am not sure whether the Minister of State got to comment on the meeting in May. I might not be in the Chamber to hear his response but I will have a look at the transcript later. I am referring to the meeting in May of the European Political Community that involves 47 member states. It is a wider body that is not on a statutory basis. Could the Minister of State put on the record the level of engagement not just with the EU accession states but also with countries that are not anywhere in the pipeline for EU accession? What enhanced co-operation and economic pooling can we have on a Europe-wide basis, excluding, obviously, the countries that are not involved, which include Russia and Belarus? We are talking about the likes of Armenia, Georgia, Türkiye, Moldova and Ukraine. Some of them are EU accession states, but there is a lot of potential on an EU level for enhanced co-operation.

I thank the Aire Stáit. I commend him on staying in the House for the debate. It is important that Ministers who represent the country abroad hear the differing voices in the House. Statements on the European Council are always a very valuable exercise to allow us to put on the record our views and influence our Ministers when they are representing us abroad. The change of government in Hungary is welcome. I saw a photograph earlier this week of the Irish Council of State meeting and thought it perfectly captured how strong our republican constitutional democracy is. I am referring to the idea of an elected President using her powers, as outlined in the Constitution, to consider a Bill passed in this House, along with representatives appointed by her and representatives of both Houses of the Oireachtas. The Constitution dates back to 1937. Sometimes we take for granted how strong our Constitution is. We can see, from places like Hungary, how easily a European country's constitution can be eroded by an authoritarian regime. We have to be very careful of that within the European project. In this regard, Michael McGrath is doing significant work on the rule of law in the EU. This morning, I was canvassing in Beaumont. While European Council statements might not have been not high on the agenda, international affairs were. Many people I spoke to were incredibly concerned about the impacts and costs of what is happening in the Strait of Hormuz and the Middle East more generally. Whether it is a matter of the price of home heating oil or that of petrol or diesel, they are seeing the real impact of war on economies. War has devastating impacts on those who live in war zones and on global economic growth. What is very clear – I heard the Taoiseach piece this together – is that Europe is now dealing with the impact of two very significant wars within its geopolitical sphere. The war in Ukraine has had an incredible impact on gas prices. This had a corresponding impact on global supply chains and food costs. Now we see the impact on the cost of oil. As we look to the coming months, we need to be careful about how we proceed as a country, and the economic bloc of Europe must also be careful. There is no doubt that the increase in oil prices has a significant impact on economic growth. I hate to use the "R" word, but recession is always possible. We need to be very careful about how we proceed. People on the doors are talking about costs. I distinguish between those who were protesting and those who were blockading. Many who were protesting were among those affected by cost increases. I acknowledge the measures the Government introduced, the first being worth €250 million and the second €750 million. They are essentially tax cuts to try to support people in meeting their costs. However, we should not forget that this also means income forgone that could be used for public services. As we proceed as a country, we also need to be cautious about what we can do sustainably over the long period of time while always making sure that the strong economic model we have here benefits those people on the ground. I think Europe has been very strong at times in terms of acting as a bloc. We saw that during Covid and so on. At times when we are divided, the response is very poor. A number of speakers have mentioned the European response to what happened in Gaza. I would always cite that as a time when I was not proud to be European. I was very disappointed in the European response. There are two elements in terms of how we proceed on this issue. One involves the short-term measures Europe can take. When the package was being put together, we saw how so much of that package was affected by European regulations and rules. We have to look at how we can make European countries agile, nimble and able to respond to what could be an ever-increasing cost of oil. That is the first thing. The European Union needs to treat it as an emergency and needs to empower European nation states to respond to protect their citizens. It is a very obvious but sometimes disputed concept but we do have to transition away from carbon fuels. We are doing a significant amount in this country. What we are doing in terms of retrofitting is incredibly significant. Again, I come back to Beaumont. Every third or fourth door I came across, I found retrofitting that had been done. This often involved older people who would not otherwise have been able to avail of it but who did because of the changes this Government made in terms of the fuel allowance. As a result, these older people were able to access the warmer homes scheme. We need to do more but the European Union needs to support countries to do so. When one speaks to many people who are experiencing those costs, one sees how much it impacts them but when one speaks to people who have made that change to an EV - and it is not always easy although it is much more possible now with second-hand cars - one can see that they are not feeling that same pain in terms of their transport costs. There is a lesson there, which is that when we help people transition, it has a direct impact in the short term and the long term. While the European Green Deal has in some ways fallen off at the agenda and there is a big focus on deregulation, and I do not necessarily think that deregulation or simplification as it is often called is necessarily a bad thing, we have to stick to our long-term commitment to climate change measures and the environmental impacts of carbon fuel. The carbon tax can be very controversial. For those who I would describe as being at the populist end of the spectrum, it is very easy to say that we should pay less tax but the reality is tax allows us as a country do certain things. Whether that is investing in the retrofitting programme or supporting farmers, the carbon tax funds that transition and we have to make that transition in the longer term. Europe needs to help us do that and I would like to see the European bloc do more. Two wars are ongoing. We have been strongly supportive of Ukraine and rightly so but what is happening in the Straits of Hormuz and the Middle East is having a direct impact and I want to see the European bloc now step up and be part of the global conversation about what happens and about trying to bring an end to a war that is having massive economic impact on all of us here in Ireland and elsewhere.

On 19 March, the European Council adopted conclusions that included the formal launch of the One Europe, One Market agenda. According to the official document, this initiative is designed to boost EU competitiveness, strategic autonomy, economic security and prosperity while preserving the European social model. The priorities set out are ambitious - deepening the four freedoms, removing internal barriers, simplifying rules, improving the recognition of professional qualifications and strengthening consumer and product safeguards. On energy, the conclusions call for an accelerated transition to renewables and low-carbon sources to reduce price volatility. These objectives may appear constructive yet for Irish agriculture, the reality on the ground tells a completely different story. While the Council speaks of competitiveness and simplification, the European Commission continues to advance the Mercosur trade agreement towards provisional application from 1 May. Ireland voted against this deal in the Council precisely because it will expose our family farms to a flood of lower-standard beef, sugar and agricultural imports from South America. This directly threatens the viability of farming enterprises in my own county of Offaly and indeed across the midlands and the rest of this State. It undermines the very producers the EU claims to support through its Single Market strategy. This disconnect is particularly striking given the Council's emphasis on strengthening Europe's democratic resilience. The conclusions rightly highlight the need to protect democratic discourse and counter disinformation. However, when thousands of Irish and European farmers raise legitimate evidence-based concerns about the impact of Mercosur on food production, rural economies and environmental standards, these concerns are set aside and the institutions proceed regardless. Such an approach erodes public trust and contradicts the very principles of citizen engagement that the Council claims to uphold. A similar pattern is evident in the Council's reaffirmation of unwavering support for Ukraine, including continued financial, economic and military assistance. Ireland has already committed hundreds of millions of euros in taxpayers' money to this effort. We must acknowledge the scale of this expenditure at a time when domestic pressures ranging from hospital waiting lists to rural infrastructure deficits remain acute. Irish families and businesses are entitled to expect that their elected representatives will balance international commitments with the immediate needs of its own citizens. I know from speaking to many agricultural contractors that they still need continued support. They are constantly contributing to our economy and as taxpayers, they should get fair play as should our small businesses and our haulage companies, which will also need continued support. Finally the Council's call for an accelerated low-carbon transition must be examined in the light of recent domestic developments. The Government has announced a suspension or partial suspension of the carbon tax in response to public fury over rising fuel costs. I have consistently opposed the carbon tax. The EU-driven net-zero agenda with its binding 2030 targets and emissions transfer mechanisms continues to impose significant additional costs on households, farms and enterprises through higher fuel, heating and production expenses. The carbon tax suspension does not alter Ireland's commitment to that agenda. It merely delays the full impact while the structural costs remain. This illustrates the broader tension of an ideological commitment to rapid decarbonisation that is not logical, fair or balanced. In practice, this delivers higher living costs without delivering the energy security or competitiveness that the Council seeks. While the One Europe, One Market agenda is presented as a pathway to prosperity, it must be judged by its effects on Irish agriculture, the families bearing the cost of the energy transition and the allocation of taxpayers' public resources. Ireland's national interests require that we defend our farming sector, scrutinise the true cost of net-zero policies and ensure that international spending does not come at the expense of our own domestic priorities.

We now enter a 20-minute question-and-answer session with the Minister of State.

During my contribution, I addressed the next package of sanctions against Russia, in particular Rosatom, which is the Russian atomic agency. Is this something the Irish Government is specifically referencing? I know it said it was supportive of it, but is it specifically calling for it? Second, it is five or six months since the European Council had conclusions on Sudan, as I mentioned earlier. Kaja Kallas made some comments yesterday on the European Council. It is important that the pressure remains. Can the Minister of State comment on any discussions that happened on Sudan, either at the meeting or during bilaterals on the fringes of it?

Regarding Sudan, it is not that Kaja Kallas made comments yesterday. It is that the foreign Ministers discussed the issue of Sudan yesterday at the Foreign Affairs Council, and Kaja Kallas, as the high representative, spoke on behalf of all the governments. While it was discussed at the European Council recently, although not directly at the last one, it has been on the agenda of foreign Ministers on a regular basis. We share the Deputy’s concerns about Sudan, and there is no question about that. The Taoiseach has also expressed them. Regarding sanctions, today, we got Hungary and Slovakia to remove blocks on the 20th package of sanctions, and that hopefully will be enacted tomorrow. We will then work towards the 21st package of sanctions, and any extra entities or people that need to be included will be considered as part of that. We have achieved a huge amount by getting through 20 packages of sanctions, including significant sanctions on the Russian economy. That work will continue.

Earlier, I referenced three topics: the digital omnibus, the EU-Israel Association Agreement and the ECHR. I welcome Ireland’s moves on the EU-Israel Association Agreement but I want to know what more is going to be done. How are we going to keep the pressure on to suspend the agreement and bring Europe's response to the Israeli genocide into line with our actions against Russia? Second, I wish to ask about the digital omnibus. Last week, in error, I referenced the Fianna Fáil grouping as the EPP. I apologise for that. I sometimes get mixed up between Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael; who would have thought it? I would be curious to know about the Renew Europe grouping. When I first spoke to the Minister of State’s Renew grouping colleague, Michael McNamara MEP in Brussels about this, he said there was more of a split in the Renew grouping. I want to know what Fianna Fáil's position is on the digital omnibus specifically and whether it is supporting the digital omnibus. Within that, there is a move back towards self-regulation by the tech sector, and the removal of the high-risk systems we are all seeking in relation to tech regulation, particularly in light of the European digital identity wallet. Finally, and crucially, I want to understand Ireland’s position on the ECHR and why, after criticising the UK for attacking the ECHR, we have followed in its footsteps and chosen to commit to the Chisinau process. Why and for what reason? How can we square that with our own human rights record and our ambition to be on the UN Human Rights Council?

The digital omnibus is something the Government supports. What members of the European Parliament do is a matter for them. Just because they might not support an initial proposal does not mean they will not try to amend it and agree to it at the end. We will leave the European parliamentarians to do that job. They do an excellent job. That is one side of the democratic process, and the governments are on the other side of the democratic process in the European Union in terms of enacting this legislation. We have a very good crop of active MEPs on all of these files at the moment, and they are available to talk to anybody. They engage with us, but they engage with constituents as well. On the EU-Israel Association Agreement, this is not a decision for Ireland. Ireland made its decision in the sense that the Minister, Deputy McEntee, went to Luxembourg with some other member states to achieve a suspension of this. However, it requires other member states to agree to this, and clearly that agreement was not-----

I am asking what we are doing.

What we are doing was announced by the Minister yesterday. We were pushing to have this agreement suspended, but it was not possible to reach an agreement. With regard to the European Convention on Human Rights and the Council of Europe, that matter is a separate from the European Council. We are strong supporters and strong activists in the Council of Europe, as a government. I am meeting the General Secretary, Mr. Berset, this week. We will continue to support the Council of Europe and all of its work. In relation to any declarations or policy positions that may be made by member states, that has been discussed by the member states. I reject the earlier comments. I know the Deputy did not say this directly, but the implication given was that, somehow, we want to torture migrants. That is not the case. What is the case is that we want to make sure we have control of our borders, as member states of the Council of Europe. That is a reasonable position for governments to take. We want a firm migration policy, one that is fair to migrants and is human rights-based, but also fair to the citizens of Ireland.

Welcome changes are happening in Hungary, and the EU's release of funds to Hungary is positive. We need to continue to show our solidarity with Hungary at this time of great change. In the same way, that is obviously related to the importance of showing our solidarity with Ukraine. I have two related questions. First, we need to spell out more clearly why we are continuing to support Ukraine, and why there is the risk that if Ukraine falls to Russia, there is a huge threat to peace in Europe, but there is also the economic threat that brings. We need to counter some of the false narratives that are currently being articulated as to why we are showing that solidarity. Second, and related to that, the negotiations will be happening around the multi-annual financial framework. A critical part of that for Ireland will be the Common Agricultural Policy. It is not just critical that we look at maintaining farm incomes now, but we have to look at it in the context of an enlarged European Union. I am particularly thinking that as we move towards Ukraine's membership over the next decade, we have to ensure that the MFF and CAP take into account the potential for Ukrainian membership. I would like to know if that formed part of the consideration.

I thank the Deputy for raising the issue of Hungary. A new government has been elected, but it has not actually been appointed by the parliament yet. The party has been elected with a massive vote, but even before that, the outgoing government this morning dropped the veto on the €90 billion loan to Ukraine, and dropped the veto together with Slovakia on the 20th sanctions package. We very much welcome this. The approach that we will have to Hungary is, frankly, one that gives value to the votes of the people of Hungary. It is not that we like all of the policies of the Tisza party or anything like that. However, what the Tisza party stands for is the rule of law, liberal democracy and fundamental values. We can have a political debate within that, left and right, but essentially, what they are standing up for is a free media. It is quite shocking that Mr. Magyar was never on television during the campaign. He did not appear on radio until after he was elected. Frankly, I think a lot of the civil servants, diplomats and media are quite relieved that pressure is off them. They did not fully buy into the Orbán system, but it was forced upon them. From an Irish point of view, we will have a generous approach because a successful Hungary benefits us, and it is a country that should be successful. Irish businesses can benefit from a successful economy in Hungary because we are such an exporting country. Why do we support Ukraine? We support Ukraine for two broad reasons. One is that it is the morally and legally correct thing to do. They were invaded by Russia and they are standing up for their rights, and I think the Irish people saw that very clearly. It is also the economically correct thing to do for us. The threat from Russia, which we have seen actioned in Ukraine, is also a threat to other countries in that region on the eastern flank of the European Union. If anything were to happen to those countries, we would see a really serious economic shock here, and there is no question about that. We also see Russia very active in the information space and the hybrid warfare space, messing around in terms of what it might do with drones to transport links and various interconnectors, whether of information or energy. It is essential that we continue to support Ukraine. While we have been generous with regard to Ukraine, the idea that somehow we are making choices between the Irish people and the people of Ukraine, as a government here, is completely wrong. The narrative that Deputy Nolan put forward in this regard is shameful. She also spoke about the Mercosur agreement. We have accepted that there are issues for beef farmers. That was said all along, and that is why the Government voted against it. The Deputy should also recognise that there are farmers in her constituency in Offaly who supply Tullamore Dew, one of the most important whiskey brands we have. That product is seriously enhanced and protected by the Mercosur agreement, and the Government has acknowledged that. There is a balance that we have taken to oppose it, but it is not totally negative, as she seeks to point out. I compliment Barry Cowen MEP who has been very balanced in his approach and recognises the benefits to the whiskey industry in his county, while also recognising the difficulties for farmers. With regard to the Common Agricultural Policy, which was also raised by Deputy Byrne, it is our strong policy to protect the policy and to have it strong, separate, robust and suitable for farmers. Again, we can come into the Dáil to talk and, as the Opposition has done, to castigate the Government. Recently, the former Deputy, Barry Cowen MEP, and a number of other MEPs came to Mullingar to discuss the negotiations on the CAP and it was a very instructive meeting. My officials in Brussels are available to any MEP who wants to talk about CAP and the negotiations we are in, and I will continue to keep Members informed. Our policy here is to ensure there is a robust CAP that protects rural Ireland and serves the fundamental purposes of the CAP, which is to keep farmers on the land and keep the food supply coming to Europe.

I thank the Minister of State. We are getting through time so let us keep to it. I call Deputy Boyd Barrett.

The failure of the European Union to suspend the EU association agreement with Israel is an absolute disgrace. Does the Minister of State agree it is a disgrace, given that Israel is in the dock for genocide and has instigated murderous and illegal wars against Lebanon and Iran? Does the Minister of State agree? If his excuse is that Europe will not doing anything but we tried, does he feel Ireland has any responsibility to do anything in the face of the crimes Israel is committing? Specifically, does he think we have any obligations under the Genocide Convention? On 14 May, I will have a Bill coming before the Dáil. Luckily, it has been selected from the lottery. It is the Sanctions against the State of Israel Bill, which calls for us to impose comprehensive economic, political and diplomatic sanctions on Israel because of our obligations under the Genocide Convention, which requires signatories to act to prevent genocide. Does the Minister of State accept that under the Genocide Convention, regardless of EU hypocrisy, double standards and its refusal to move, we, as signatories of that convention, have a moral and legal obligation to act against the crimes that Israel is committing? It is a simple question.

The issue with regard to the European Council and the Foreign Affairs Council on the EU-Israel association agreement is as I said it was, namely, that the Irish Government has engaged with member states to try to bring forward a proposal which is sitting there but needs to be supported by a sufficient number of member states. However, we are not able to do that. That is a fact. I would encourage - we are doing this and we encourage everyone else to do it - is engagement with other member states to see why they do not agree with us. They have other reasons for this. I also reject utterly any suggestions that somehow this Government or politicians in this Government are connected to or complicit, or whatever the phraseology is that the protesters and the Deputy's colleagues in political life use about complicity in genocide. I totally reject that. We have always stood firm on the side of democracy and human rights. To start throwing those allegations around the House is completely wrong. Any sanctions packages we have ever done we have done in recent times at a European level because that is where trade policy is. It is also where one has the most impact. No sanctions have ever been done where the damage to us would be greater than the harm we are seeking to impose to change ways. If he is setting out a policy, as the Deputy is, he has to set out for the people the economic consequences in Ireland of his various proposals.

So, there is no answer on the Genocide Convention.

The last couple of Deputies will have 30 seconds each to make sure we get everybody in. I call Deputy Healy-Rae.

The agricultural community is totally and absolutely against Mercosur. It has been referred to the European court. What legal aid do we have or who is representing us at that court? Do we have representation there? We surely should have representation to put forward our case and that of farmers the length and breadth of the country.

Is this on the Mercosur agreement?

Yes.

The case has been brought by the European Parliament against the Commission. The practice, and this is a decision for the Commission and the member states which supported it, is to implement the trade provisions of the Mercosur agreement, whenever that happens in the coming period of time, notwithstanding the fact that we voted against it. There are measures to protect farmers, particularly beef farmers in the case of price shocks-----

That is not the question I asked the Minister of State. Who is representing us? Do we have representation?

This is not a back-and-forth, Deputy.

The case is between the European Parliament and the European Commission.

Two of my colleagues spoke about the European Single Market. While there have been benefits for industry from the Single Market, consumers in Ireland have not been able to get the full benefit in the areas of industry and financial products. Under our Presidency, what do we intend to do to progress that?

There is a very exciting agenda ahead of us during our Presidency on what is called the one market approach. I have a copy of it here that was given to member states last night. There is a list of items there. At the last count - it may have changed overnight - there were 42 items in that to help bring the Single Market to reality and to give us greater economic prospects. Some 17 of those were slated to be organised, done or agreed during our Presidency. We will wait and see what the leaders agree. It is a big challenge for us, the European Parliament and everybody to bring these measures in in the timeframe proposed. At the same time, if we were to do so, we would have a transformed economy that would be much more resilient to economic shocks. It would enable greater opportunities for the Deputy's constituents and all of our constituents to prosper and for the Single Market to be brought to a reality. We would be able to trade and buy products and services from across the European Union in a way that we are not at the moment. There is a huge opportunity now and I am happy to update the Dáil as this goes along. There is also a lot of work going to take place in Brussels between the governments and in the European Parliament, where our MEPs will be working hard on lots of files but especially these ones over the next few months. We will engage with MEPs as well to try to make sure we get this agenda across. The Taoiseach said that this is going to be a Presidency defined by action and I think this agenda gives us plenty of action to carry out, which will result in serious and solid benefits for consumers and citizens right across the Union.

I thank the Minister of State. We have three minutes left and three Deputies identifying. They have 30 seconds each. I call Deputy Ó Murchú.

It is an absolute disgrace that the EU is not suspending the EU-Israel association agreement. We just have to do the bit we can do, and that is the occupied territories Bill. There is genocide, ethnic cleansing and colonisation, whether we are talking about Gaza, the West Bank or now in Lebanon. The illegal war by the US in Iran has had a detrimental impact on us here. It is not life and death but it is having a huge impact on fuel costs. What conversations are happening in Europe in relation to the energy taxation directive and the idea of having minimum excise duty? We need to give states maximum powers to deal with the issue in front of us. The fear around Mercosur is that provisional application still applies before the court and Parliament make their decision.

People complain sometimes about EU rules and ask why the EU has rules on certain issues that maybe do not suit us in particular moments. The reality is those rules enable the Single Market to operate. They should be there to enable us to operate on a level playing field. The Taoiseach has already-----

These are extraordinary times.

I agree, and I am not saying the Deputy is wrong. I am just setting that out as an objective. We all ask why the EU is looking for this. It is always important to remember that the Single Market is there and the rules are there to facilitate the Single Market to give us as equal a shout as the Germans, French or whoever. That makes it all better for everybody. The Taoiseach said he wrote to Ursula von der Leyen on some of the issues the Deputy mentioned in regard to looking for an understanding and flexibility in regard to proportionate temporary national measures designed to address the immediate consequences of the current fuel market disruption, while preserving our shared long-term decarbonisation goals. The Taoiseach has done that and we will continue to do that. I have absolutely no doubt that when all the leaders arrive in Cyprus, as they will this weekend, that what is being said in this Parliament is the same as what is being said in their parliaments and every parliament in Europe, particularly on energy costs, and it will be ringing in their ears. I have no doubt they will continue to put pressure on the European Commission to come up with solutions that can be used, adapted or adopted by member states in their own particular circumstances.

Will the Minister of State reflect on the election of Péter Magyar as Prime Minister of Hungary, his winning the election and the end of the Orbán regime? Hungary stood out as a sore thumb. I have been trying to understand, for the life of me, why the European Union did not take further sanctions against Hungary, although I know moneys were withheld. The lesson for other jurisdictions - if we followed the policies that were pursued by Orbán, as some of our colleagues on the Opposition benches would do - is that Hungary was the poorest country in the European Union.

I fully agree. Orbán basically wrecked the economy. It shows that the link between adherence to the rule of law and democratic values and a free media is essential for economic growth. We did not get involved in the election. We did not tell the Hungarian people how to vote. We were very careful about that, even though the temptation was very strong. Over many years, the Taoiseach, Deputy Micheál Martin, and I and various Ministers who have been in government have been very strong in calling out what the Hungarians are doing. That included negotiating the conditionality regulation and working at my Council on rule-of-law issues and holding Hungary to account for some of the things its government had done, which were opposed to the foundational values of the European Union. All of that had resulted in over €17 billion of funds being withheld from Hungary. I met Hungarian politicians from the cities, which would not be as Orbánist as the rural areas, and they were crying out for the money. They really felt their areas were losing out big time because of this and their economy was losing out. We had to take a hard line, though. The Hungarian people have reacted. They realised that Orbán had taken them to a place where they should not really have been. I say again that Péter Magyar was not allowed on the television, which is incredible. I met Mr. Magyar in Munich at the security conference a couple of months ago. I had a brief conversation with him and wished him the best of luck but I did not encourage anyone to vote for him. He did that himself. Looking back at how he did his campaign over a year and a half, it is an incredible example of coming from almost nothing to getting two thirds of the vote by sheer persistence. I discussed this with the Taoiseach before I spoke today. Our view is we should be generous to the Hungarian people. We should give them the value for the vote they have taken and work with them very quickly. It will be a task for our EU Presidency to unlock those funds. Obviously, there has to be some conditionality attached to that to make sure Hungary reverses some of what has happened. There is a generosity required and Ireland will benefit because Hungarian people will be spending money and seeking products and services, many of which will come from Ireland, if we are honest about it. This will benefit us too.

What representations has the Government made, whether at EU level or to the United States, about the oil blockade of Cuba, which has resulted in a huge humanitarian crisis? Does the Minister of State agree with the call by Mexico, Spain and Brazil that urgent and sincere dialogue should take place to address this?

I would be happy to get an answer for the Deputy but as the Minister of State with responsibility for European Affairs, I just do not have sight of documents about Cuba. I will get my officials to come back to him directly on that point.

Is anything happening at European level?

As I recall, there was nothing at the last European Council meeting but that would be a matter for a more international level.

Has the Government itself done anything?

That is the point. I will get the Minister to come back to the Deputy.

There is no back and forth, Deputy. We are way over time. I invite the Minister of State to make his closing remarks.

Gabhaim buíochas leis na Teachtaí as a gcuid ráiteas agus ceisteanna. Tapóidh mé an deis seo le labhairt go gairid faoi mhíreanna eile ar chlár gnó Chomhairle Eorpach Mhí an Mhárta, lena n-airítear slándáil agus cosaint na hEorpa, imirce, cruinniú mullaigh an euro, sciath don daonlathas agus cosaint leanaí ar líne. Tháinig ceannairí le chéile i gcruinniú mullaigh an euro chun machnamh a dhéanamh ar chúrsaí eacnamaíocha agus airgeadais reatha agus tionchar na coinbhleachta leanúnaí sa Mheánoirthear agus i Murascaill na Peirse á chur san áireamh. I measc daoine eile, chuir Uachtarán an Bhainc Ceannais Eorpaigh, Christine Lagarde, agus uachtarán an ghrúpa euro, Kyriakos Pierrakakis, leis an bplé. Ina ráiteas, chuir Kyriakos Pierrakakis béim láidir ar an ngá atá le comhoibriú idirnáisiúnta ollmhór chun aghaidh a thabhairt ar an éagothroime eacnamaíoch agus ar an tábhacht a bhaineann leis an obair leanúnach a dhéantar chun ról idirnáisiúnta an euro a neartú agus an t-aontas coigiltis agus infheistíochta a chur chun cinn. Tharraing Kyriakos Pierrakakis aird ar iarrachtaí an ghrúpa euro chun córas airgeadais na hEorpa a ullmhú don ré dhigiteach, ar a ról comhordaithe chun inbhuanaitheacht fhioscach a chinntiú agus an grúpa ag tacú le tosaíochtaí straitéiseacha agus ar a obair lárnach chun iomaíochas agus acmhainneacht a neartú. D'iarr ceannairí ar an ngrúpa euro monatóireacht a dhéanamh ar fhorbairtí eacnamaíocha agus rioscaí maidir le hinbhuanaitheacht airgeadais agus cur leis an díospóireacht faoin éagothroime ar fud an domhain. Chuir lucht an chruinnithe mullaigh fáilte roimh ghlacadh rathúil an euro sa Bhulgáir ón 1 Eanáir 2026 i leith chomh maith. Tá an tAontas Eorpach ag gníomhú le níos mó cinnteachta, uaillmhéine agus luais chun dul i ngleic leis na bagairtí atá romhainn go léir, rud a bhí le feiceáil go soiléir le linn na sraithe cibirionsaithe agus ionsaithe hibrideacha a rinneadh le déanaí, chomh maith le hionraí naimhdeacha in aerspás de chuid bhallstáit an Aontais. Ag Comhairle Eorpach Mhí an Mhárta, lean ceannairí ar aghaidh lena ndíospóireachtaí faoi ullmhacht na hEorpa ó thaobh cosanta de. Chuir siad fáilte mhór roimh an moladh leagan nua de straitéis slándála na hEorpa a fhorbairt agus d'áitigh siad gur cheart go mbeadh na Ballstáit féin i gceannas ar an bpróiseas. Chun freagairt éifeachtach a thabhairt ar an iliomad bagairtí atá romhainn go léir mar phobal, ní mór cur chuige ilghnéitheach agus caolchúiseach a chur i bhfeidhm ag an leibhéal náisiúnta agus ag leibhéal an Aontais. Glacfaidh Éire le cur chuige fiúntach agus dearfach i leith fhorbairt na straitéise nuaí. Ní mór go mbeadh Éire páirteach sa phróiseas seo toisc gur cuid den Aontas Eorpach sinn, go gcuireann na bagairtí atá romhainn ár modh maireachtála i mbaol agus go bhfuil an straitéis fite fuaite inár leas náisiúnta féin. Is ábhar mór imní é an méadú leanúnach ar scála na gníomhaíochta hibridí a dhéantar i gcoinne an Aontais. Táimid ag plé, ar bhealach gníomhach agus tairbheach, le forbairt beartas an Aontais Eorpaigh arb é is aidhm leo troid i gcoinne bagairtí hibrideacha agus ár seasmhacht ina gcoinne a neartú. Áirítear leis sin cosaint na gcáblaí fomhuirí agus cosaint bonneagair eile atá ríthábhachtach d'fheidhmiú ár ngeilleagar. Mar gheall ar a cuid feachtas hibrideach gan stad, is baol mór an Rúis maidir le seasmhacht, daonlathas agus comhtháthú sóisialta ar fud na hEorpa agus níos faide i gcéin. Maidir leis an daonlathas, phléigh ceannairí an tábhacht a bhaineann le hathléimneacht dhaonlathach a neartú i gcomhthéacs an mhéadaithe ar bhagairtí ar shláine an daonlathais ar fud an Aontais. Táimid ar son dualgas níos láidre a chur ar ardáin ar líne ionas go mbeidís freagrach sa chomhrá in aghaidh bréagaisnéise agus ábhar mídhleathach. Léiríonn sin tiomantas na hÉireann dá chinntiú go gcuirtear an Gníomh um Sheirbhísí Digiteacha i bhfeidhm go héifeachtach agus go gcoinnítear creat rialála digiteach an Aontais ar bun. Leis an nGníomh um Sheirbhísí Digiteacha, ceanglaítear ar ardáin ar líne modhnóireacht a dhéanamh ar ábhar digiteach san Aontas agus an riosca a mhaolú go mbeadh ábhar mídhleathach ar a n-ardáin. Is príomhuirlis é chun tacú le seasmhacht dhaonlathas an Aontais Eorpaigh. Maidir le himirce, labhróidh mé faoin mhachnamh atá ar bun i réimse na himirce chomh maith. Labhróidh freisin faoi chosaint leanaí ar líne agus an plé a bhí déanta ina leith. Deputy Cathal Crowe asked me about children being stolen from Ukraine and brought to Russia. That was discussed at the European Council as well. I want to put on the record that it was something that was important to us. I am grateful for all of the contributions Members have made in the debate today. I can leave the full script because I did not get through it all.