2026-05-06

I move: That Dáil Éireann, pursuant to Article 29.5.2° of Bunreacht na hÉireann, approves the terms of the Convention establishing an International Claims Commission for Ukraine, signed at The Hague on 16th December, 2025, a copy of which was laid before Dáil Éireann on 1st May, 2026. I welcome the opportunity to discuss this motion today. The convention we seek to ratify is about establishing an international claims commission for Ukraine. It is about Ireland supporting and being part of the efforts of the international community to ensure justice and reparations for Ukraine. Above all, it is about ensuring accountability for the damage and destruction caused by Russia through its unprovoked and unjustified full-scale invasion of its neighbour. Just a few months ago in December 2025 the Oireachtas heard directly from President Zelenskyy of Ukraine as he addressed Members in this Chamber during his visit to Ireland. He spoke passionately about the situation in his country, and he spoke eloquently about Ireland’s support for Ukraine. He situated the invasion of his country in a wider context and stated that it takes a community of nations to make a truly lasting peace. He asked us to remember that Russia's invasion of Ukraine is a criminal and unprovoked act of aggression, which cries out for justice. He said that it has happened for one reason only, which is "because Russia wants to treat Ukraine as its property and Ukrainians as if they belong in its backyard like livestock." In terms of accountability, he urged Members: ... to oppose any decision that weakens pressure on Russia for this war as long as war and occupation and the propaganda of hatred continue. All the pressure on Russia must remain in place, so that Russia does not believe it will be rewarded for this war with stolen Ukrainian land or thousands of kidnapped Ukrainian children ... [and that] Russian killers cannot freely travel the world as if they have done nothing wrong. I visited Ukraine in April when I attended the foreign affairs Council in Kyiv. I stood in solidarity with the victims of the atrocities inflicted upon innocent civilians in Bucha by Russian forces in 2022. I saw first hand the devastating human cost of war. I witnessed for myself the hardship and tragedy still being caused by Russia’s war of aggression more than four full years later. I saw the resilience and determination of the Ukrainian people and I took part in discussions about the measures we can take to ensure accountability for that aggression. Ireland and this House has been firm in its support of Ukraine throughout the more than four years of this war. We have been firm in our support for accountability as a matter of principle in the same way as we have long stood firm on the importance of human rights, international law and multilateralism. We have supported initiatives through the Council of Europe to deliver accountability and in the coming weeks, we will vote in favour of a resolution at the Council of Europe ministerial meeting advancing the establishment of the special tribunal on the crime of aggression against Ukraine. Today we have an opportunity to support Ireland’s participation in the convention establishing an international claims commission to assess damages, loss or injury inflicted by Russia on Ukraine. The establishment of this claims commission is a key step towards delivering that accountability. It forms part of a broader international compensation mechanism, which the Council of Europe decided to establish in 2023 following the 2022 UN General Assembly resolution, "Furtherance of remedy and reparation for aggression against Ukraine." It forms part of a system that seeks to ensure that Russia is held accountable for its actions and the destruction that it has caused. In taking this step, it is important to note that the claims commission will not itself be responsible for paying out compensation directly. It will be an administrative body that examines claims of damage, loss or injury due to certain acts that have been committed by the Russian Federation in Ukraine or against Ukraine. It will determine whether compensation is due and how much, if any, is due. In this way, the claims commission will be the second of three components of a broader compensation mechanism. The first component was the establishment of a register of damage caused by the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, which was set up in 2023. This has already received over 80,000 claims. Its operation will transfer to the claims commission after it is established. The commission will review, assess and decide on claims it receives and determine the amount of compensation due. This forms the backdrop to the third possible part of that mechanism, which would be a compensation fund to meet these claims. This still needs to be put in place. In terms of accountability, the finance needed to provide these funds should be contributed by Russia as reparations for its aggression against Ukraine. The convention expressly provides for the expectation that the Russian Federation will fund the compensation determined and awarded by the claims commission and that other commission members will not be required to fund the compensation. Ratifying the convention represents an important endorsement of the principle of accountability and sends a message to Russia that it cannot carry on as if nothing wrong has been done. At this point too, the House should understand the financial cost to Ireland would be a proportionate annual contribution towards the administrative costs of the claims commission. It is too soon to say precisely what that will be, but we expect it will be less than €1 million per year. This contribution would only start once the convention has come into force. The convention will enter into force when 25 countries, or regional integration organisations, have ratified it and when the associated financial commitments are enough to support the work of the commission starting off. The convention opened for signature on 16 December last year. Some 35 states, including Ireland, as well as the European Union have signed it. Estonia and Iceland have now ratified the convention and a number of other states have said they intend to ratify it in the coming weeks and months. Today I seek Dáil Éireann’s approval of the terms of the convention. In effect, I seek Members' approval for Ireland to support the important steps being taken by the Council of Europe towards holding Russia accountable for its actions. A Cheann Comhairle, right now as Russia’s war of aggression continues, Ireland, along with our fellow EU member states, is committed to making sure Ukraine gets the supports it needs to continue to defend itself and to put it in the strongest possible position in peace negotiations. We are continuing to provide political support, financial support, humanitarian support and non-lethal military support to Ukraine. Since February 2022 Ireland has contributed over €500 million in support of Ukraine. Last month, I announced a further €40 million in humanitarian and stabilisation supports for 2026. This winter, Ireland contributed €26 million to Ukraine’s critical energy infrastructure. It is important to stress this is money that is going directly to communities that have been impacted by this devastating war for many years now. Ireland strongly supported the agreement at EU level of the €90 billion support loan in December and we welcome the recent unblocking of the decision to allow us to move forward with this loan. Ireland has also welcomed over 120,000 Ukrainians under the temporary protection directive. There are still some 84,000 Ukrainians here. We know them, they are in our communities, they are in our schools and they are working in our businesses. We provided these supports even as Russia chose to continue targeting Ukraine’s civilians and its critical infrastructure, even as Russia carried out reprehensible attacks on Ukrainian energy systems throughout the bitter winter and even as Russia launched over 6,800 long-range drones and missiles into Ukraine in April, making it the most intense month of long-range aerial attacks so far in the war. In the meantime, we continue to welcome efforts to end the war of aggression against Ukraine and to achieve lasting and just peace and security. One day this brutal war of aggression will end. When it does, we must be ready to act and to hold Russia accountable for its brutal attacks and the unspeakable suffering and damage it has inflicted. Fundamentally under the convention, it is expected that the Russian Federation, once it becomes a member, will bear the full costs of the claims commission from the time the convention enters into force. Crucially, it is expected that the Russian Federation will be the one to fund the compensation determined and awarded by the commission under the convention. Until such a time as this happens it is incumbent upon us, together with our international partners, to make ready the system for this to happen. The register of damages has already begun recording the claims for compensation for damage, loss and injury inflicted by the aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine. There are, as I mentioned, over 80,000 claims to date, before the war has even ended. The claims commission will be the body that assesses and determines those claims. Establishing the claims commission is the next step in getting ready to ensure accountability for Russia’s war of aggression. It is one Ireland should join. I commend this motion to the House and trust Dáil Éireann will support the ratification of the convention. I look forward to engaging with colleagues on this.

Beimid ag tacú leis an rún. Tá sé tábhachtach go mbeidh cuntasacht ann agus go mbeidh pionós ar an Rúis de bharr na héagóra atá déanta i gcoinne na hÚcráine. We support this motion. We believe it is important for Ireland to continue to do what it can to support vulnerable people in Ukraine and elsewhere and to support the protection of human rights and international law globally. It is important in this debate, which is framed very much in the context of international law, accountability and compensation, that the Government be clear and robust in its defence of the multilateral system. It is very explicit and clear in this area but in others it could have done with being more clear about breaches of international law. It is important that Ireland's position, as part of an independent foreign policy that has been prized by all parties and by people from every political perspective in this House, is that the Irish Government calls out breaches of human rights, whether they are by countries we have friendly relationships with or otherwise. That is crucially important. A multilateral system that has strength and mechanisms of accountability is in the interests of small countries, as far as Sinn Féin and I are concerned. It is important that there is accountability for crimes and wrongful acts under international law, whether those are crimes arising from Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the genocide committed by the Israeli state, the illegal occupation of south Lebanon, or the multiple illegal wars that successive US Administrations have engaged in. The objective of this convention is to hold the Russian Federation to account for damage, loss or injury caused by internationally recognised wrongful acts committed by it in or against Ukraine. This is something Sinn Féin fully supports. We are told that the commission will be an administrative body and will review, assess and decide on claims for compensation for damage, loss or injury caused by such acts, including the amounts of compensation, but will not be responsible for payment of compensation. Over four years ago Vladimir Putin and the Russian Federation engaged in an act of aggression and imperialist expansion against Ukraine and its people. We have since seen appalling atrocities at Bucha, Zaporizhzhia, Mariupol and other locations, attacks on civilian infrastructure, the direct targeting of civilians and the barbaric abduction of children. Sinn Féin and this House have been emphatic in our condemnation of this and the people of Ireland have responded commendably in supporting Ukrainian families and through contributions to various charitable causes. The past four years have seen the Ukrainian people suffer many hardships. The situation on the ground remains very severe and it is important to continue to support assistance for civilian, humanitarian and non-military purposes, especially the need that exists to bolster civilian infrastructure, with a particular emphasis on energy infrastructure. During the past winter we all saw and read terrible reports of Ukrainian energy workers collapsing from exhaustion as they worked in incredibly challenging circumstances to keep the Ukrainian energy system going in order to sustain the economy, to ensure healthcare continued to function and to serve the needs of the Ukrainian people. They must continue to be supported. The issue of accountability is crucially important. As I said, the Irish Government should represent the people’s desire that this accountability be exercised without fear or favour in relation to any particular country, but it is important in terms of the accountability piece that on an individual level justice is done. The Ukrainian ambassador has spoken with great passion and prioritised the issue of the abduction of children by the Russian Federation. Clearly, when we talk about accountability the only true accountability for those families is that their children are returned to them. The Government has been vocal on this but it needs to continue to make this a priority. We can only imagine the heartbreak those families are enduring due to these callous abductions. That is a crucial part of accountability. Accountability cannot simply be about financial compensation - it must involve doing right by the families who are most directly affected. I believe the European Union will soon look at the 21st package of sanctions. In the context of the 20th package, which included an increased focus on aluminium, it is important we get clarity from the Government on what it intends to do in relation to aluminium to ensure it is effective. Clearly, it will have to ensure compliance with the sanctions. I have raised in the past the fact that while there have been a wide range of sanctions against Russian individuals and companies, despite the centrality of atomic energy to the Russian economy and war effort the Russian atomic agency, Rosatom, has not been sanctioned. I want to encourage the Minister to raise this issue at a European level and encourage actions. The issue of sanctions against the atomic agency is a very clear priority for the Ukrainian Government, as articulated by President Zelenskyy in mid-February. Mr. Zelenskyy was rightly critical of the reluctance of European governments to act to tackle to this and sanction the agency and the people who control Rosatom. Tá tuilleadh arduithe ar phraghsanna leictreachais os ár gcomhair amach, ach tá Fianna Fáil agus Fine Gael fós sásta suí siar agus faic a dhéanamh. Tá cáinaisnéis éigeandála agus creidmheasanna fuinnimh ag teastáil láithreach. Clearly, sanctions are agreed at a European level but there is no reason Ireland should not show leadership on the issue and should not specifically push this issue that would have a very clear political and diplomatic impact. Ministers in the past have said they support it but they have been coy as to whether they will make that a specific priority and vocally call for that at a European level. In order to ensure meaningful peace talks that can deliver a just, sustainable peace that respects Ukraine, it is clear that more international pressure on Vladimir Putin, particularly from Europe and the United States, is required. Sanctions on this particular energy company would be a key form of sanction to increase pressure. I urge the Minister to make a clear statement that she will make this a priority and build momentum for sanctions in this area of atomic energy in the next package. We recognise and support the fact that Ukraine continues to require support politically and diplomatically. It is clear where the fault lies and who is the aggressor. It is Vladimir Putin and the Russian Federation. We should continue to offer political and diplomatic support and, where required, humanitarian and civilian support in practical ways that are consistent with our neutrality. Russia's military aggression cannot be rewarded. It is clear there needs to be accountability. The policy of the Irish Government in conflicts around the world has been to use means such as this to exert pressure on countries in flagrant breach of international law. We must again focus on these efforts and use our voice to increase diplomatic and political pressure, including sanctions. Clearly, mechanisms such as this are important to ensure appropriate compensation.

We, in the Labour Party, also welcome the International Claims Commission for Ukraine being established and the Irish support for the same. In a world where the international rules-based order is unravelling and disintegrating, it is instruments such as this that we need to support and hold firm with, along with many others. Of course, as stated by the Minister, the success of this instrument will be reliant upon the Russians themselves signing up and the Russians themselves funding the compensation as it is calculated towards Ukraine. At this point in time, that seems quite fanciful but given where we are in the world, it is these instruments which we need to bring forward that we need to support. For those of us who support a proper, international rules-based approach to conflict resolution, accountability, justice and resolution, it is instruments like this which we need to put our full support behind. For Ireland, we have demonstrated real solidarity with Ukraine. It has been somewhat easy for us on a number of levels. For many decades, Russia, or formerly the Soviet Union, has been either a very real threat to Europe or, at best, an uneasy and not too trusted ally at times. However, for the past decade or so, and as we have seen in the Ukraine war of the past four and a bit years, Russia has become a very real threat and enemy to the stability of Europe. Ukraine has suffered up to 600,000 casualties, with as many as 140,000 deaths as a result of Russia's invasion and war of aggression. That is according to the Centre for Strategic and International Studies. There is no doubt in our minds that the actions Russia has carried out have resulted in death and destruction and damage to and destruction of infrastructure, schools and hospitals. It continues. As we heard in the Minister's statement, April of this year was the most destructive month of the entire conflict when it comes to long-range missile attacks upon Ukraine. While no conflict is black and white, this conflict is as close as we can get in the modern world. However, there is another conflict that is taking place which we also view as quite black and white, namely the US and Israel's war upon Iran. In any general terms, it was unprovoked. As despicable as the Iranian regime is and has been for many years, the US and Israel launched a war for which they have no logical outcome and which is causing death and destruction. While there is an uneasy peace at the moment, there is long-term economic damage. There is no sense that Ireland, the international community or Europe will act in such a way as to tackle the United States and Israel for their actions of unprovoked war and their actions of roguery the way we are with Russia, and rightly so with Russia. There is an inconsistency in our own approach, not withstanding historic cultural links, contemporary economic links and all of the other things we have with the United States. What is being done is wrong. While we are unsure as to what the outcome will be in terms of the US, Israel or Iran, there is one winner early on from that conflict and that is Vladimir Putin, for whom Trump has "temporarily" lifted sanctions on Russian oil. That "temporary" lifting of sanctions has been extended by Trump and there is a sense in Kyiv that Trump is closer to Moscow than he is to Kyiv in how he is operating his international policy and affairs, insomuch as anyone can account for them. All of us present here in the Chamber have spoken how the old order has been absolutely obliterated and it is uncertain as to where we are at. The instruments that are being proposed are laudable. We need them and we need them to work. In the world that exists today without the bigger powers or without institutions like the European Union being fully behind them, it is very difficult to see how they will have an impact. We in Ireland have to do what we have been doing for the past four years and three or four months - standing shoulder to shoulder with the people of Ukraine. We must do that. I hope this convention comes into force and that Russia signs up to it. I hope Russia pays compensation to Ukraine. I do not think that will happen but that should not be a reason not support this and push it has hard as we can through the United Nations, the EU and any bilaterals we have.

The Ukraine reparations commission that this Government proposes we join is a very welcome idea. It is a means of showing solidarity with Ukraine and I fully accept that but I believe we can go further than just showing solidarity. I want to speak to this concept of solidarity because it is so crucial. What does solidarity mean? It is real and serious action. It is acting with justice in mind and taking meaningful steps to help the people who we mean to help. We will always stand with and support Ukraine in its mission to preserve its sovereignty. This reparations commission will work over several years to evaluate the collective damage done by Russia to Ukraine throughout the invasion. This is welcome but I have concerns that it may be an expensive, academic exercise if we do not take more action. The reparations commission will evaluate and produce a cost Russia is liable for but will Russia ever engage with its liability, other than to reject it outright? Russia is a rogue state that rejects any application of international law, so why would we expect it to suddenly accept a massive reparations bill? Russia will reject this commission's findings so we must ensure the rebuilding of Ukraine actually takes place through alternative means at the same time as the work of the commission continues. Instead of just drawing up a large bill for Russia, we need to ensure that our solidarity is felt by every day Ukrainians. I have other concerns that this new commission may sideline the primacy of Ukraine in negotiations as the assessment of claims may differ from what is needed or desired by the Ukrainian state to build positively into the future. I hope the Minister of State accepts that I am putting these forward as concerns but it in no way undermines our support for the motion. Ireland must be a leader on this action to ensure Europe does not just signal intent and support but actually takes a meaningful role in supporting Ukrainians. There is currently massive co-operation between European countries and Ukraine in terms of arms deals and military support but there is huge further potential for humanitarian assistance and transitional support. In our own history, we have received a peace dividend in the aftermath of the Troubles, as did much of the rest of Europe in the wake of World War Two. Ireland has also participated in international aid measures to countries across the globe and continues to do so. We need to remember this history, step up to the occasion and ensure that Europe is ready to assist when this war ends. In a briefing circulated by the Government Whip, we are told that Ireland's contribution to the administrative costs of the commission will be less than €1 million per year. Currently, Irish institutions are in possession of roughly €2 billion in frozen Russian assets. The Government at the very least should be looking to use this money to finance the Irish contribution to the commission, which would ensure that further pressure is put on Russia to come to the table because of Putin's reliance on these oligarchs. The nations of Europe in this initiative are coming together in a truly historic way. To rebuild a country and support a peace process of this scale is a real achievement. It must be built on to ensure that Europe is a force for peace in the world. This commission should lay the groundwork for a similar Palestinian reparations commission. When European governments freeze assets of one occupier but maintain preferential trade deals with another, it makes us all hypocrites. We need to support Ukraine and we need to use this model as a blueprint to ensure Trump and his board of ethnic cleansing do not get to pave over Palestine. A reparations commission should be formed to give real power to the establishment of a strong and secure Palestinian state and to end the illegal and despicable occupation of stolen land by Israel. The failure of European governments to uphold international law in Palestine needs to be corrected. The destruction of Ukraine and Palestine are fundamentally connected by regimes that seek to impose militarist powers through unilateral action. Europe, as a wealthy continent, should be a leader in the provision of post-war funding to build sustainable futures for Palestinians and Ukrainians. We need to recognise that peace and justice are a universal mission and the practical steps to achieving this should not be segregated by continent. This proposal in its current form will not rebuild hospitals or schools, or fund widows' pensions. If we are to rebuild Ukraine, it must be a collective and international effort. We can legislate at the national and European levels to release seized Russian assets to Ukraine. We should use the estimated more than €200 billion of frozen Russian assets in the EU banks to give an immediate and serious peace dividend to Ukraine. The use of these assets would ensure that Russians complicit in the invasion of Ukraine, those oligarchs who sought to profit from war, will not be able to use their illegal acts for personal gain. We must also learn from historical example that placing a massive reparation burden on a post-war state only sparks destabilisation and hatred. A nuclear-capable Russian state embroiled in domestic chaos is a fundamental danger to itself and the world. The nations of the world, but particularly those in Europe, must ensure that the end of Putin's war and dictatorship allows for the Russian people to exercise their right to self-determination and to construct a new government based on human rights. We can make Russia pay for its crimes right now and ensure that it is not the average citizen, who opposes Putin's war and dictatorship, who pays Putin's bills but the cronies and criminals who oppress their own people. The step to join this commission is, as I said, welcome, but there is so much more work to do. We can make Russians complicit in Putin's war and regime pay this bill. We can kick-start the rebuilding fund and then we must use the lessons learned from assessing reparations here to ensure that Palestinians get the justice they deserve by establishing a similar claims commission with justice and long-term security at its heart.

The idea that we should quantify the compensation for the damage done by Putin's brutal and illegal war against Ukraine and that the bill should be sent to Putin and the Russian regime is absolutely right and proper. It is an imperialist war being waged by Putin and has been from the outset. It is criminal and without justification. As well as the immense human damage done - probably in excess of 100,000 lives have been lost - there has also undoubtedly been huge damage done for which the Russian regime and the people who preside over it should have to pay the bill. I certainly would have no problem if the assets of the oligarchs and Putin's coterie of hangers-on had to pick up the bill and that those assets would be used to pay the bill due to ordinary Ukrainians who suffer the consequences of this terrible war. It is an entirely reasonable proposition. However, I must say that when you see the determination with which the Irish Government and all the members of the European Union pursue the rightful demand for accountability for the Russian regime for the crimes it has committed against the Ukrainian people and yet see it fail, in the most brazen way, to do the same when it comes to Israel's crimes against the Palestinian people, you cannot help but be absolutely infuriated at the hypocrisy and the double standards of the European Union. You call into question whether they are even concerned about the crimes done to the Ukrainian people. If it is a crime to launch an illegal war against the people of Ukraine, which it is, and if it is a crime to occupy their lands and kill nearly 100,000 people, surely it is the same when Israel does it to the Palestinians. Such is the extent of the crimes that Israel has committed against the Palestinians that it is now in the dock for genocide, the greatest of all possible crimes, as well as for multiple breaches of international law, the commission of crimes against humanity, apartheid, ethnic cleansing, illegal occupation, the collective punishment of the Palestinian people, instigating yet another war against the people of Lebanon, bombing Iran and putting the entire region on fire to such a degree that even ordinary people in this country cannot pay their bills because of the crimes that Israel is committing. Yet, the same European Union that professes to be horrified by the crimes of the Putin regime not only does not impose sanctions on Israel for crimes that are as bad or worse but gives favoured trade status to the Israeli regime and gives economic privileges to the regime that is committing those crimes against the Palestinian people on an ongoing basis. The hypocrisy and double standards are staggering. They are beyond belief. The Minister of State might be interested to know that I was just on the phone with an Irish citizen who is on the flotilla and who is very scared. He asked me to tell the Minister of State that he is scared. He is on the same boat as the sister of President Catherine Connolly. He said they are frightened about what is coming down the line. Two of the leaders of the Global Sumud Flotilla are being kept in detention in an Israeli prison. We are talking about a regime where the wife of one of the Ministers gave him a cake in the shape of a noose to celebrate the idea that they are going to hang lots of Palestinians because they are Palestinians resisting the Israeli occupation. Think about the horrific nature of this regime. The man on the flotilla asked me to ask the Minister of State what the Government is doing about these violations of international maritime law, where there is kidnapping, piracy and so on, to add to all the crimes that Israel is committing. Yet, the European Union does not sanction Israel for it and does not seize its assets. Why are we not seizing its assets for those crimes against our citizens? We have often given money to Palestinians and then Israel blows to bits schools and all sorts of infrastructure into which European money has gone. However, we do not sanction Israel even though we are required to under the Genocide Convention. We continue to extend favoured trade status to Israel. It is absolutely unbelievable. It makes me think that the motivation of the people who run the European Union has nothing to do with the things they say motivate them when they talk about how horrible the occupation of Ukraine is. It is horrible. It makes me think it is not morality that is driving them because if it were morality or concern for the innocent victims of war, illegal military aggression and crimes against humanity, surely it would extend to other people but it does not. Then you ask what is the real motivation here. Is it that Europe is only concerned with its sphere of influence and is guilty of exactly the same crime as Putin is guilty of and that it is now very obvious that Donald Trump is guilty of? It has a policy of saying that it has the right to control South and Latin America, Cuba and Greenland because that is its sphere of influence and it will take out governments if necessary and threaten to attack people in its sphere of influence. Putin does it. Israel, a US ally and an ally of many in the European Union, is doing the bidding of certain European powers. Therefore, not only will we not sanction them, we will extend them favoured trade status. It is all hypocrisy. All of the moral outrage expressed about Putin is actually nonsense because what is actually motivating the European powers is their own strategic self interest. It does not suit them to impose sanctions on Israel because in the twisted world they inhabit, they see Israel as essentially a colonial outpost. That is, of course, what it is and always has been. It is a colonial outpost to serve the interests of western powers and if the Palestinian people have to suffer genocide because of that sort of colonial project to control and dominate the region, so be it. The people of Ukraine deserve compensation but so do all victims of the same crimes, including the Palestinians. It is very obvious that the European Union is not concerned or motivated by a humanitarian principle or moral principle. It is riddled with double standards and hypocrisy.

I welcome the opportunity to speak on this motion. In August 2022, I travelled to Ukraine and I saw at first hand the damage caused by Russia’s illegal invasion. I saw the suffering of ordinary families. I met people who had lost their homes, livelihoods and, in many cases, members of their family. I will not forget what I saw, and I will not stop saying that this war was unprovoked and is unjustified and wrong. I support this motion, which authorises the establishment of an international claims commission for Ukraine. It puts the principle of accountability into a working compensation system. It says clearly that the state responsible for the damage must pay for the damage. That is a basic point of justice, and Ireland should stand behind it. The war has dragged on for more than four years. The fighting continues. Civilians are still being killed daily, including in a missile strike just two days ago. There are short symbolic ceasefires being declared this week around Russia's victory day commemorations. They are welcome insofar as they spare lives but a 48-hour pause is not peace. Only serious negotiations will deliver a lasting settlement. I urge the Russian side to extend any pause in the fighting, to engage seriously and to come to the table in good faith. The Ukrainian people have shown again and again that they want this war to end. They have made several gestures to the President of Russia as well as other intermediaries. Russia must show the same by being willing to engage and demonstrate that peace is possible. Ireland has stood with Ukraine from the very start, bilaterally and through the European Union, and we should continue to do so. Signing this convention is a further step in that solidarity. As the Minister of State will be aware, the Taoiseach has been to the forefront in speaking to European colleagues and using Ireland's soft power to ensure Ukraine is kept to the forefront of the agenda as a candidate country in the European Union. As the Minister of State for European affairs is present, it is imperative that Ukraine is also included as much as possible in our Presidency of the European Commission. I commend the motion to the House.

Today, as we pursue a constitutional obligation to ratify an international agreement, we have an opportunity to say "No" by saying "Yes" and voting "Tá". We have an opportunity to say "No" to Russia’s unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression, to death and destruction with impunity, to rewarding Russia for stealing Ukrainian land and the forcible removal of Ukrainian children and to inflicting unspeakable suffering and damage without consequence and to say "Yes" to justice, consequences, responsibility, reparation and, above all, accountability. During my visit to Kyiv in March, I witnessed first hand the strength and endurance of Ukraine’s leaders and people, as well the reality on the ground of a country at war, living with the relentless presence of war and Russian violence as part of everyday life. I saw the reality of living with constant fear, unpredictability and, of course, devastating loss. I saw the effects of Russian attacks on Ukraine’s energy and civilian infrastructure in the middle of a brutal, bitter winter. Russia fired over 6,800 long-range drones and missiles into Ukraine in April alone, more than nine attacks per hour, night and day, every day in April, leaving Ukraine, as a nation without sleep. Since the Russian Federation launched its full scale invasion in February 2022, more than 15,000 civilians have been killed, 41,000 have been injured, millions have been displaced and untold damage has been caused to civilian property and infrastructure. I also witnessed the tenacity and commitment of the Ukrainian people. I was humbled by their ability to maintain a functioning state and administration in the face of invasion. It underlined for me the real potential for Ukraine to flourish when this terrible conflict ends. Of course, the people in Ukraine look to the day when peace returns and they can build a brighter future. When that day comes and the war finally ends, it will be vitally important that preparations have been made and mechanisms put in place to ensure that Russia can be held to account for its actions. The establishment of the claims commission is one clear step that we can take in preparation for that. It is a relatively small step from a practical perspective but politically it sends an important message. Ireland ratifying the convention is Ireland continuing to lend its unwavering support to Ukraine. It is Ireland continuing to support the principle of accountability and continuing to support the important steps being taken, by the Council of Europe, not the European Union, towards delivering accountability. In the coming weeks, we will vote in favour of a resolution at the Council of Europe ministerial meeting in Chișinău to advance the establishment of the special tribunal on the crime of aggression against Ukraine. We now have the opportunity to ratify the convention establishing an international claims commission for Ukraine, an administrative body that will assess the damages, loss or injury inflicted by Russia on Ukraine. It is worth reiterating that the claims commission will not be responsible for making any compensation payments. Instead, it will assess and determine claims for compensation. Ratifying the convention does not make Ireland liable for those costs. Russia should pay these costs through reparations. When the convention opened for signature in December of last year, Ireland was among the 36 states or bodies that signed it. Now, let us be among the first of the states to ratify it and take another step towards putting the principle of accountability into action. It goes without saying that no award or amount of financial compensation will change or even make good the devastating damage and destruction inflicted on Ukraine, its people and its communities by the Russian Federation in the course of this war. Nonetheless, it is incumbent on us, along with our international partners, to put in place a system that can hold Russia to account when the time comes.