2026-05-21

Le cead ón Dáil, bogfaimid siar anois go dtí Ceisteanna Uimh. 1 agus 2, atá á dtógáil le chéile. Glaoim ar an Teachta Ó Laoghaire ar dtús.

Ba mhaith liom leithscéal a ghabháil leis an gCathaoirleach Gníomhach agus an Aire mar go raibh mé déanach. Gabhaim buíochas leis an gCathaoirleach Gníomhach as teacht ar ais go dtí mo cheist.

1. Deputy Donnchadh Ó Laoghaire asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to outline the current progress on the drafting of the Israeli settlements (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill 2025; if she will outline the recent advice she has received from the Attorney General; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [38408/26]

2. Deputy Duncan Smith asked the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade to provide a detailed timeline for introducing the Israeli settlements (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill 2025; and if she will make a statement on the matter. [38523/26]

The scenes in the last few days – I have a further question on the Global Sumud Flotilla, so we can perhaps discuss that further – underline the fact that the international community has allowed Israel to behave with absolute impunity. It continues to act accordingly. It continues to breach all the international laws dictating what is right and wrong. There have to be consequences. The occupied territories Bill needs to be a part of that, as far as I am concerned.

I am asking this question on behalf of Deputy Duncan Smith. The world is rightly outraged at what we saw yesterday but none of us should be surprised. The Government made a solemn commitment at the time of the election and published legislation last year but has done nothing since. It has rebuffed every single legislative effort brought before the Dáil and Seanad. Will the Minister level with the Irish public now? Is she abandoning the Israeli settlements Bill she introduced? If not, she should please set out a timeline for it, because the Irish public and indeed Palestinians and everyone across the world deserve nothing less. We need to have clarity from this Government as to what its position is.

I thank both Deputies for raising this matter. I do not believe there is a single person who saw the footage yesterday who could not but be appalled by what they saw. The Deputy is right that this is just another act by the Israeli Government among a string of acts we have seen over recent weeks, months and, indeed, years. The Irish Government has been consistent in its approach, and I, as Minister in recent months, have been consistent in mine. I have said very clearly that I will commit to bringing forward the occupied territories Bill. The Government approved the general scheme of the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory (prohibition of importation of goods) Bill last June. The main purpose, obviously, is to prohibit the importation of goods into the State from the Israeli settlements in the occupied Palestinian territory. I have been clear with this House that since it was published, a number of questions needed to be asked of the Attorney General and that information has come back and forth to me. What I can say is that I will bring forth legislation in the coming weeks. We, as a Government, and I, as a Minister, have said that we will fulfil our commitment. That has not changed just because of this week. I have been clear that I believe the best way to bring forward legislation is to do so with our colleagues. I have been engaged with my Dutch and Belgian colleagues and, more recently, my Slovenian colleague, whose Government is going through a particular change process at the moment. While introducing this is the right thing to do, and I will, as I have said clearly, bring forward legislation in a matter of weeks, I also firmly believe that bringing forward changes at a European level will have a much greater impact. I have been working on that, too. For the past number of months, I have been engaging directly with my colleagues. I have been engaging directly with the High Representative to ensure that we can put this back on the agenda at a European level. It has not been on the agenda since last summer before a ceasefire was agreed. What we agreed last week at the Foreign Affairs Council was, for the first time, a Commission proposal that has been on the table since last year to impose sanctions on violent settlers, and for it to be agreed. It had been prevented because of the position that Hungary had taken. Thankfully with a new government in place, Hungary lifted that ban. Last week, there was an agreement from the EU that we would impose sanctions on violent settlers, members of Hamas and anybody who supported these types of actions in the West Bank. What I have subsequently done, and did clearly at the most recent meeting, is to advocate for a further vote at the next Council meeting. A second Commission motion has been on the table since last year to ban or suspend the trade element of the EU-Israel association agreement. Israel as a whole gets preferential treatment through that trade agreement. It is worth billions to the Israeli economy. It is not a blanket ban like the ban that was being voted on last night. The reason we voted against that is that it is a sanction on every single person in Israel. That is not an approach we have taken in any sanction placed on Russia or any other part of the world where sanctions have been imposed by the EU. I believe that the European Union should agree to the proposal that we suspend the Israeli association agreement and, in particular. its trade elements. I have also advocated for a second proposal to ban trade within the West Bank and with the settlers. That is the most appropriate approach to take. It is in line with what has been said internationally. This is what we have been advocating for. It would be in tandem with our occupied territories legislation. This is the principle and the right thing to do. At home in Ireland, we have always taken that approach, from recognising Palestine to the humanitarian aid we have provided and raising the issue at every Foreign Affairs Council, and every single Council that we can. I will also, for the first time, ensure the matter is raised this week at the trade Council. The only way we can pass this at European level is where there is qualified majority voting, QMV. That is why we have focused on trade. It is why we have focused on the suspension of the trade agreement. Instead of needing unanimity, QMV is needed. I will be raising this directly with colleagues at the trade Council on Friday this week. I will be pushing for this to be put to a vote at the Foreign Affairs Council. I spent an hour and a half with my Jordanian colleague yesterday. That is somebody who is on the ground and sees what is happening. His view is that Europe needs to respond collectively in this kind of way and I have been advocating for that for months. Separate from that, I say clearly that we will fulfil our commitment in the programme for Government. We will bring forward legislation because it is the right thing to do. However, I also want to make sure that the actions we take have a knock-on impact and change the actions of the Israeli Government. That is what has to happen here. The actions we saw this week were despicable. We all agree that this is just one action in a string of actions that we have seen over recent years.

I will use the phrase "the occupied territories Bill" as shorthand. I appreciate the Government's Bill has a different title, but that is what it is commonly understood as. The Minister's statements are difficult to reconcile. She has come here and said we will have something in a couple of weeks. What I interpreted from her interview with Virgin Media during the week was that we will see what happens at a European level and then might act. There have been contradictory statements over the course of the past couple of years. If you look at it in terms of a timeline, there were commitments in parties' manifestos before the general election to pass the occupied territories Bill. There was no qualification or equivocation about trade or services. The programme for Government and the Department of foreign affairs strategy to 2028 include references to the enactment of the occupied Palestinian territories legislation by 2028. This year's strategy talks about progressing the occupied territories Bill by 2029. The Government is putting it back by a year and talking about progressing rather than enacting. There seems to be constant watering down. The Minister is talking about a couple of weeks, but I am not sure she would have said that at the start of this week if we had not seen those scenes.

It was February 2024 when the Irish Government first brought the EU-Israel trade agreement to the European Council. It is now two and a half years later and there has been zero action. What I am hearing today is a strategy of crossing the fingers and toes and hoping other countries keep up with us with regard to the plan to outlaw trade from illegal settlements. What I am hearing today, which is more worrying, is that the Government is now narrowing its intent. It is going after violent settlers. It is not going after all trade from the illegal settlements but violent settlers. I would like to hear the clarification on that point. Ireland has a proud tradition of diplomacy and using our voices and words. The time for voices and words is over. It is a time for economic action and sanction against a government that is acting with impunity. There is no point continuing to talk and hoping that the rest of the world will catch up. We need to take a lead here and ensure that we send a clear signal that the disgraceful acts we saw yesterday are not tolerated.

That is exactly what we are doing. We are taking a little time to build a consensus. At a European level, I have been sitting around the table for the past few months. Months ago, there was no discussion of how we would move or impose sanctions. There was nothing. Sanctions have been on the table at the Commission since last year. I have, with colleagues from Slovenia and Spain, over recent weeks and months, pushed for this issue to be put back on the agenda. Because of that, what we agreed last week was sanctions on violent settlers in the West Bank. That was one sanction that was on the table, and not before time, but there are more. The next sanction on the table is that we would suspend the trade element of the EU-Israel association agreement. That is for all of Israel and not just the West Bank. It would have a significant economic impact on Israel. That is something we should have done before now, but Ireland has called for it. We have been at the table and calling for this, but others have not agreed. What I have been trying to do is to build a consensus. I have also asked for a proposal that would ban trade with the illegal settlements, separate from the ban on violent settlers that we have already agreed. That is in place, has been agreed and will be followed through on. I want action at a European level because that is how we have the greatest impact. Yes, Spain has already imposed its legislation, but I want to ensure that we move collectively and have legislation individually. In response to Deputy Ó Laoghaire, I am not confused at all in what I have said this week. I have said we should move both. I have said that if this does not happen at a European level, it is all the more reason we should have this other legislation. We have lots of legislation in our programme for Government and not all of it gets implemented in the first couple of months or the first year. We have to work through it. I have worked with the Attorney General because we need to make sure that we have legislation that can be implemented and can take effect. That is what everybody here wants. There is an element of making sure that we do what is principled, and I believe that Ireland has always taken that approach when it comes to Palestine, Gaza and what is happening in the West Bank. However, as Minister, I also want to make sure that our actions have a positive impact on the people on the ground and the best way I believe we can do that is by Europe taking a strong stance. I believe we are in a much better place in that regard than we were a couple of weeks ago and that is because I and other people in other countries have been working to build consensus. We are not sitting on our hands and saying nothing. We have been trying to get people to this point within Europe so that we will have a vote at the next meeting. I reiterated that point to High Representative Kaja Kallas again this morning and said that we need to have a vote at the next meeting because we have discussed it long enough. This week's actions show us exactly why we need this.

I agree with that last point. However, my interpretation of the Minister's interview was different from what she is saying. I do not think we were going to hear anything about legislation in the next couple of weeks. It seems to me that what we have seen may have lit a fire under the Government, as has often been the case and as was the case in the first place when manifesto commitments were given for the occupied territories Bill. If that is the case, it entirely justifies the actions of people who are taking up initiatives such as the Global Sumud Flotilla. They highlight these issues and make it clear that governments have to act. Activists out there are having to take initiatives such as that to force governments to act. I absolutely recognise that if the European Union could act in concert in a way that delivers actual results and puts pressure on the Israeli Government, I would welcome it, but clearly it has taken three or four years for the Union to move an inch. There is legislation there and no reason not to enact it. The arguments in relation to services are paper thin. It is clear that the Spanish have been able to move on this. Will the Minister give a commitment that we will be debating the legislation on Second Stage before the recess?

If the Dutch and other governments the Minister called out do not move, will Ireland still move ahead? I am hearing two things here: I am hearing "the next few weeks" and I am hearing that the Government wants to move in concert. Frankly, that is not clear enough. The reality is that 70,000 people are dead. Over 900 people have died since the October ceasefire. We saw the scenes yesterday. God only knows what is happening to the countless nameless Palestinians who are behind bars at this point in time and who are facing the death penalty. I am still not clear about the intentions of this Government. The reality is that if the Israel-EU trade agreement is suspended, it still does not fully deal with illegal trade. Yes, it puts a prohibitive set of tariffs on it but it still does not fully ban that trade. We need a crystal-clear message from this Government as to its intentions.

I cannot be any clearer in saying that what I am advocating for and what I have been advocating for is that there would be a full ban on trade with the illegal settlements. That is not a proposal that has been put on the table by the Commission before now. The proposal on the table is that we would suspend the trade element of the EU-Israel Association Agreement. That did not have full support last year but that is now what we are discussing and it is very much what we discussed last week at the Council. However, I want a further proposal on the table specific to the West Bank and to the illegal settlements because we very clearly set out that this is illegal occupation. It has been agreed by all of us; therefore, we need to follow through. This has not just come about because of this week; Ireland has been saying this consistently. However, we cannot move on this on our own. Even with QMV, it is 55% of the Council or 65% of the overall population but that is manageable and something I believe we could achieve. Certainly, looking at the different kinds of comments we have seen in the past few weeks around the table, there are countries that are moving and countries that perhaps would have had a different position only a few weeks ago. As to where we are now and in terms of our own work, again, I cannot be any clearer in saying that as regards the work I am doing with European colleagues - say, my Dutch colleagues and others - they have made it very clear. My Dutch colleague at the last meeting said that they were bringing forward legislation, and I have been engaging with them as to the timeline in order that when we do introduce this, we can have a stronger voice around this. If, however, they decide not to do this, we will still continue with ours. I am being very clear about that and very clear in what I say. The approach here has always been to make sure that everything we do has an impact. Yesterday, when I saw our citizens and other people with their hands tied behind their backs, I thought, if this is how they are treating Irish citizens and other people, how are they treating Palestinians, people we cannot see? I think we all think that and we can all imagine exactly what has been happening. That is why we need to do everything we can over the next while, in the coming weeks, myself at the Trade Council this week and then in the coming weeks, to make sure that Europe moves. I am pleased to say that the statements and much of the actions we have seen across Europe and internationally have been to condemn these actions and to call for some form of accountability from Israel.